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V J. 



EALOGY COLLECTION 



U 



.ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 01101 0367 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



http://archive.org/details/collectionss4v1mass 



COLLECTIONS 



■ 

■ 
MASSACHUSETTS 



HISTORICAL * SOCIETY-. 



VOL. I 



OF THE FOURTH- SERIES. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY. 

1852. 



CAMBRIDGE! 

METCALF AND COMPANY, 

PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. 



CONTENTS 



1169889 

Page 

Complete List of the Members of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety, in the Order of their Election v 

Complete List of the Officers of the Society .... xx 

Resident Members, in the Order of their Election . . . xxii 
Officers of the Massachusetts Historical Society, elected April 15, 

1852 xxiii 



52 

86 
90 



Memoir of the Rev. William Adams, of Dedham, Mass., and of 

the Rev. Eliphalet Adams, of New London, Conn. 
Collections concerning the Early History of the Founders of New 

Plymouth, by the Rev. Joseph Hunter . . . 
Biographical Notice of Philip Vincent, by the Rev. Joseph Hunter 
Notices, communicated by the Rev. Dr. Lowell .... 
More Gleanings for New England History, by Hon. James Savage 91 

Wadsworth's Journal, 1694 .102 

Memoir of Rev. John Robinson, by the*Rev. Robert Ashton . Ill 

A Manvmission to a Manvduction, by Iohn Robinson, 1615 . . 165 

Good News from New-England, 1648 195 

Strachey's Account of Settlement at Sagadehoc, 1607 . . 219 

Extract from the Autobiography jpf Sir Symonds D'Ewes . 247 

A Letter of President Dunster to Professor Ravis ... 251 

A Letter from the Rev. Samuel Danforth, of Taunton, Mass. . 255 
A Journal kept during the Time y l Boston was shut up in 1775-6, 

by Timothy Newell, Esqr., one of the Select Men of the Town 261 
Memoir of John Pierce, D. D., communicated by Charles Low- 
ell, D. D 277 



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OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY. 



Presidents. 



James Sullivan, 
Christopher Gore, 
John Davis, 
Thomas L. Winthrop, 
James Savage, 



1791 

1806- 
1818- 
1835 
1841. 



Recording Secretaries. 



Thomas Wallcut, 
George Richards Minot, 
James Freeman, 
Joseph McKean, 
Charles Lowell, 
Gamaliel Bradford, 
Joseph Willard, 



1791- 

1792- 
1793 
1812 
1818. 
1833- 
1835. 



1806 
1818 
1835 
1841 



1792 
1793 
1812 
1818 
1833 
1835 



Corresponding Secretaries. 



Jeremy Belknap, 
John Eliot, 
Abiel Holmes, 
Charles Lowell, 
Alexander Young, 



1791 - 1798 
1798 - 1813 
1813-1833 
1833-1849 
1849. 



Corresponding Secretary, Pro Tern. 



Thaddeus M. Harris, 



1837 - 1840 



Treasurers. 



Wm. Tudor, 1791 - 1796, 1799 - 1803 

George Richards Minot, 1796 - 1799 

Josiah Quiney, 1803-1820 

James Savage, 1820 - 1839 

Nahum Mitchell, 1839-1845 

Peleg W. Chandler, 1845 - 1847 

Richard Frothingham, Jr., 1847. 

Assistant Treasurer. 
Peleg W. Chandler, 1844 - 1845 



Librarians. 

John Eliot, 1791 - 1793, 1795 

George Richards Minot, 1793 

John Thornton Kirkland, 1798- 

William S. Shaw, 1806- 

Timothy A Idea, Jr., 1808 

Joseph McKean, 1809 

Joseph Tilden, 1812- 

James Savage, 1814 



1798 
1795 
1806 
1808 
1809 
1812 
1814 
1818 



Nathaniel G. Snelling, 1818 - 1821 

ElishaClap, 1821-1823 

William Jenks, 1823 - 1832 

James Bowdoin, 1832-1833 

Joseph Willard, 1833-1835 

Nahum Mitchell, 1835 - 1836 

Joseph B. Felt, 1836-1837 

Thaddeus M. Harris, 1837 - 1842 

Joseph B. Felt, 1842. 



Assistant Librarians. 



John T. Kirkland, 
Thomas Wallcut, 
Thaddeus M. Harris, 
Lucius R. Page, 



1798, April to 

1798, August. 

1837-1837 

1845 - 1845 



Cabinet-Keepers. 

George Richards Minot, 1791 

John Eliot, 1793 

Samuel Turell, 1794-1808 

Timothy Alden, Jr., 1808 - 1809 

Joseph McKean, 1809-1810 

Redford Webster, 1 810 - 1833 

Isaac P Davis, 1833. 

Standing Committee. 

George Richards Minot, 1791 - 1793 

Peter Thacher, 1791 - 1802 

James Winthrop, 1791 - 1821 

Redford Webster, 1793 - 1810 

John Davis, 1798-1818 

Josiah auincy, 1798-1802 

William Tudor, 1803-1807 

William Emerson, 1803 - 1 809 

John T. Kirkland, 1806 - 1812 

Thomas L. Winthrop, 1810 - 1835 

Abiel Holmes, 1811-1813 

James Freeman, 1812 - 1826 

John Pierce, 1813-1834 

James Savage, 1818-1820 

William Tudor, 1820-1824 

Francis C. Gray, 1821 - 1824 

Nathan Hale, 1824 - 1836 

James Bowdoin, 1826 - 1833 

Jared Sparks, 1833-1838 

James T. Austin, 1834 - 1838 

James Savage, 1 835 - i84 1 

Nathan Appleton, 1835- 1835 

Con vers Francis, 1835 - 1852 

John Davis, 1836-1838 

Alexander Young, 1838-1852 

Joseph B. Felt, 1838-1839 



OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY. 



XXI 



Samuel P. Gardner, 
George Ticknor, 
Joseph Willard, 
Francis C Cray, 
Edward Everett, 
George E. Ellis, 
George Livermore, 
Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, 
Charles Deane, 



1838-1842 

1839-1852 

1841-1852 

1842-1852 

1852. 

1852. 

1852. 

1852. 

1852. 



Committees of Publication. 

Jeremy Belknap, I. 1, 3, 4. 

John Eliot, I. 1, 4, 5, 8. II. 1. 

James Freeman, 1. 1, 3, 4, 5, 8. II. 1, 3, 9. 

George R. Minot, 1, 1, 4, 6. 

James Sullivan, I. 2. 

Peter Thacher, I. 2, 8. 

William Tudor, I. 2. II. 4, 7, 9. 

Redford Webster, I. 2. II. 1. 

William Wetmore, I. 3. 

Aaron Dexter, I. 3. 

Jedediah Morse, I. 5, 7. 

Josiah Quincy, I. 5, 6, 9. II. 2, 3. 

John Davis, I. 6, 9. II. 1, 4, 7. 

John T. Kirkland, I. 6, 9. 

Abiel Holmes, I. 7, 10. 11.2,5,6,7,8,10. 

William Spooner, I. 7. 

ThaddeusM.Harris,I.7,10. II. 2. III.7. 

William Sullivan, I. 8. 



William Emerson, I. 9. 

Thomas L. Winthrop, I. 10. 

John Q,. Adams, I. 10. 

Alden Bradford, II. 1, 3, 8. 

John Pierce, II. 1. 

Joseph McKean, II. 2, 4, 5, 6, 7. 

James Savage, II. 3, 4, 8, 10. III. 1. 

Elisha Clap, II. 8, 9. 

John Pickering, II. 9, 10. III. 2. 

Francis C. Gray, II. 9. III. 8, 9, 10. 

Benjamin R. Nichols, II. 10. III. 2. 

William Jenks, HI. 1. IV. 1. 

Charles Lowell, HI. 1, 3, 4. 

William J. Spooner, III. 1. 

James Bowdoin, III. 2, 3, 4. 

James C. Merrill, III. 2. 

Convers Francis, III. 3, 4, 5, 7. 

Joseph Willard, III. 3, 4. 

Joseph E. Worcester, III. 5. 

Joseph B. Felt, III. 5, 6, 7, 8. 

Alexander Young, III. 5, 6, 8. IV. 1. 

Lemuel Shattuck, III. 6. 

Samuel Sewall, III. 6. 

Nathaniel G. Snelling, III. 7. 

William H. Prescott, HI. 8. 

Robert C. Winthrop, III. 9, 10. 

Alvan Lamson, III. 9. 

Charles F. Adams, HI. 9, 10. 

Nathaniel L. Frothingham, III. 10. 

George Ticknor, IV. 1. 

Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, IV. 1. 



RESIDENT MEMBERS, 



IN THE ORDER OF THEIR ELECTION. 



Hon. Josiah Quincy, LL. D. 
Hon. James Savage, LL. D. 
Rev. Charles Lowell, D. D. 
Hon. Francis C. Gray, LL. D. 
Hon. Nahum Mitchell, A. M. 
Hon. Nathan Hale, A. M. 
Hon. Edward Everett, LL. D. 
Hon. James C. Merrill, A. M. 
Rev. William Jenks, D. D. 
Hon. Daniel Webster, LL. D. 
Hon. John G. Palfrey, D. D. , LL. 
Jared Sparks, LL. D. 
Joseph E. Worcester, LL. D. 
Joseph Willard, A. M. 
Lemuel ShaTtuck, Esq. 
Isaac P Davis, Esq. 
Rev. Joseph B. Felt, A. M. 
Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL. D. 
Hon. James T. Austin, LL. D. 
Rev. Convers Francis,., D. D. 
Hon. John Welles, A. M. 
Hon. Charles W. Upham, A. M. 
George Ticknor, LL. D. 
Hon. Nathan Appleton, A. M. 
Hon. Rufus Choate, LL. D. 
Hon. John G. King, A. M. 
Rev. Alexander Young, D. D. 
Hon. Daniel A. White, LL. D. 
Josiah Bartlett, M. D. 
Hon. Simon Greenleaf, LL. D. 



William H. Prescott, LL. D. 
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL. D. 
Rev. Alvan Lamson, D. D. 
Hon. Charles F. Adams, A. M. 
Hon. Samuel Hoar, LL. D. 
Rev. William P. Lunt, D. D. 
Rev. George E. Ellis, A. M. 
Hon. John C. Gray. A. M. 
Rev. Nathaniel L. Frothingham, D. D. 
Hon. George S. Hillard, A. M. • 
D. Hon. William Minot, A. M. 
Peleg W. Chandler, A. M. 
Rev. George W. Blagden, D. D. 
Rev. Lucius R. Paige, A. M. 
Hon. Solomon Lincoln, A. M. 
Rev. Chandler Robbins, A. M. 
Francis Bowen, A. M. 
John Langdon Sibley, A. B. 
Richard Frothingham, Jr., Esq. 
Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, M. D. 
Henry Wheatland, M. D. 
Thaddeus W. Harris, M. D. 
Rev. Willlam Ives Budington, A. M. 
Hon. David Sears, A. M. 
Sylvester Judd, Esq. 
Thomas H. Webb, M. D. 
Charles Deane, Esq. 
George Livermore, A. M. 
Rev. William Barry, A. M. 
Francis Parkman, LL. B. 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

ELECTED APRIL 15, 1852. 



President. 
Hon. JAMES SAVAGE, LL. D. 

Recording Secretary. 
JOSEPH WILLARD, A. M. 

Corresponding Secretary. 
Rev. ALEXANDER YOUNG, D. D. 

Librarian. 
Rev. JOSEPH B. FELT, A. M. 

Treasurer. 
RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr., Esq. 

m Cabinet-Keeper. 

ISAAC P DAVIS, Esq. 

Standing Committee. 

Hon. EDWARD EVERETT, LL. D. 
Rev. GEORGE E. ELLIS, A. M. 
GEORGE LIVERMORE, A. M. 
NATHANIEL B. SHURTLEFF, M. D. 
CHARLES DEANE, Esq. 



Committee of Publication for the Present Volume. 

Rev. WILLIAM JENKS, D. D. 
GEORGE TICKNOR, LL. D. 
Rev. ALEXANDER YOUNG, D. D. 
NATHANIEL B. SHURTLEFF, M. D. 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. 



MEMOIR OF THE REV. WILLIAM ADAMS, 

OF DEDHAM, MASS., 

AND OF 

THE REV. ELIPHALET ADAMS, jr 

OF NEW LONDON, CONN. 



The principal object of this Memoir is, to combine in one narrative the 
memorials that exist of the father, son, and grandson, — worthy ministers 
of the Gospel, of three generations. Unlike most of the families ofctbiSfr 
early emigrants to New England, the male branch in this line of the 
Adams family runs out, and the name becomes extinct in the sixth gen- 
eration. This allows of more unity and completeness in the Memoir, 
than can be obtained in those genealogical histories which spread out as 
they descend, enlarging and interla cing, till they become so complex and 
various, as to be almost if not altog<4pil|J4KRfc*fc- t 4» 

The sources whence information has been derived, when not indicated 
either in the text or notes, are town and church records, principally of 
New London, but occasionally of ether .places in the vicinity of New 
London ; with some aid from tradition. Tfys last source, however, has 
not been relied on for any date, or for any fact of importance. 

F. M. CAULKINS. 

New London, January, 1849. 



The name of William ADMfcH?ipund on a list of the 
inhabitants of Ipswich, Mass., in 1642.* He has not been 
satisfactorily traced any farther backward. William Adams, 
of Cambridge, 1635, made freeman 13 Dec, 1639,t may 
have been the same man ; but of this no proof has yet been 
produced. 

* Felt's Ipswich, p 10. t Farmer. 

4th S. VOL. I. 1 



6 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

A general subscription of inhabitants at Ipswich, in De- 
cember, 1648, contains the names of William Adams and 
William Adams, Jun. William Adams died in 1661. Wil- 
liam Adams, Jun. died in January, 1 659. * It may be assum- 
ed with probability that these persons were father and son. t 
A comparison of other facts makes it also tolerably clear 
that William Adams, Sen. had three sons who lived to man- 
hood, and probably left posterity, viz: — 1. William, who 
died 1659. 2. Nathaniel, ascertained by Farmer to be 
son of William, Sen. 3. Samuel, of Ipswich, 1665. (Vide 
Farmer.) 

The Rev. William Adams, an esteemed minister of Ded- 
ham (ordained 1673), was undoubtedly the son of William 
Adams, Jun. In a Journal, kept by him, and subsequently 
to be copied in this Memoir, he refers to uncles N. A. and 
S. A., who appear to have been the guardians of his minor- 
ity. This corresponds with our statement of the family. He 
mentions also a brother by the name of John ; and this 
allows us to proceed a step farther in our list. William 
Adams, Jun., who died 1659, left two sons, viz.: — 1. Wil- 
liam. 2. John. The following Memoir will attempt to trace 
the line of the first named of these sons. 

William Adams was born 27 May, 1650. We have his 
own authority for this date. He does not say where this 
event took place ; but in all probability it was at Ipswich. 
From an allusion in his Journal to his " grandmother Starr," 
it may be supposed that his mother bore that name; but 
nothing more respecting her family has been ascertained. 
If the foregoing statement of his paternity be correct, he 
was left an orphan at the age of nine years. His means 
were slender ; but being exceedingly desirous of a liberal 
education, he was assisted by his relatives to enter Harvard 
College, and was graduated at that institution in 1671. He 
came from thence with the esteem and respect of his teach- 
ers, and with a character for integrity, learning, and piety, 
that gave a pleasing promise of future usefulness. A con- 

* Fanner. 

t " William Adams, aged 15," embarked for America in the " Elizabeth & Ann," 
May, 1635. No other passenger of the name of Adams is on the list of emigrants at 
that time. It may be worth inquiry, if this were not William Adams, Jun., of Ips- 
wich, left behind by his parents, in their emigration, and now coming out to them, 
bee Gleanings, by James Savage, Esq., Hist. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. VIII. p. 263. 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 7 

temporary testimony ranks him " among the choicest of the 
ripe fruits of this young generation " ; * that is, of the gener- 
ation born and educated in the land. He was subsequently 
settled in the work of the ministry at Dedham, being or- 
dained 3d Dec. 1673. As a scholar and theologian, his 
attainments were, for that age, highly respectable ; and as a 
man and a pastor, he appears to have been amiable in man- 
ners and assiduous in duty. He therefore acquired the love 
of his people, and, for so young a man, the esteem and con- 
fidence of his clerical brethren, in a more than common 
degree. His work on earth, however, was soon completed ; 
the duration of his ministry was less than twelve years. He 
died in Dedham, 17 Aug., 1j685. Such is an outline of the 
life of this interesting young pastor. Brief as is this memo- 
rial, the biography of the greater part of our first generation 
of ministers occupies even a shorter space. Of many of them, 
it is only known that they lived so long, and died in faith. 

But with respect to Mr. Adams, we can happily go more 
into detail ; for time and barbarism, which have destroyed 
so many of the precious writings of our Puritan ancestors, 
have spared to us a memorial of his life, which leads us for- 
ward, day by day, slowly but agreeably, through the most 
interesting portion of his earthly career. We allude to a 
Journal, or Diary, kept by himself, and not hitherto printed, 
but carefully preserved, first by his son, the Rev. Eliphalet 
Adams, of New London, Conn., since by the descendants 
of the latter, and now in the possession of the Rev. Robert 
A. Hallam, Rector of St. James's Church, New London.f 
This Journal is written in a small blank volume, which once 
had clasps, and is bound in black leather. It contains, per- 
haps, 400 pages, of which the Journal covers only fifteen. 
The quantity of matter is, however, considerable ; for it is 
closely written in a small, compressed hand, with every let- 
ter neatly formed, and the whole fair, and studiously correct. 
The remainder of the volume is blank paper, except at tbe 

* See the admirable " Centennial Discourses " of the Rev. Dr. Lamson, of Ded- 
ham, p. 40. The passage quoted is from the Preface to a Fast Sermon by Mr. 
Adams, preached and printed in 1678; which Preface was written by " Mr. Samuel 
Torrey of Weymouth, and Josiah Flynt of Dorchester, lather of the celebrated Tutor 
Flynt." Vide Lamson. 

t Mr. Hallam is a lineal descendant, through four intervening generations, of the 
journalist. 



8 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

latter end, where his son Eliphalet, reversing the book, com- 
menced a similar journal, but did not pursue it beyond a 
single page. 

This Journal is a charming domestic relic of our country's 
youth. It will be found interesting, not only by those who 
have an antiquarian taste, but by general readers. As a 
coeval delineation of manners and customs, illustrations of 
which are unconsciously interwoven with the artless narra- 
tive, it is not without value. But its characteristic feature 
is, that it quietly sets before us the sober, every-day varia- 
tions in the life of the young student, and the domestic his- 
tory of the minister, with the vivid, unexaggerated accuracy 
of a reflection. The simplicity of the details, and the very 
minuteness of some of them, invests the narrative with an 
additional charm, at this distance of time. ' 

With these remarks, we introduce at once the Journal, 
which is inscribed on the fly-leaf, — 

William Adams, 

His Book. 
Nov. 10. 1670. 



p. 1. Anno Christi 1650 
May 27. I was born a sinner into an evil world. 



p. 2. Anno 1666 
June 11. I first went to school to Mr. Andrews : abode 
with him till Aug. 10. 1667. 

1667, Aug. 13. I came down to Cambridge to y e com- 
eneement, sought for admission into colledge, could not 
obtain it, pecuniae deerant. 

Au. 14. I returned home, lived a disconsolate month at 
home. 

Sept. 20. I came to Cambridge again with my uncle 
N. A. 21. I was admitted into Colledge. 

Nov. 22. I went home to Ipswich afoot. 

27. I returned to Cambridge upon Mr. D. Epps's horse, 
was lost in Charlestowne woods and lay in y e woods all 
night, so bewildered I took N. for S. and contra. 

1668, June 16. I went to Wenham afoot, lodged y l night 
with Mr. Mighill at Wenham ordinary. 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 9 

17. I went from thence to Ipswich. 

July 9. I went to Salisbury, y e 11th I returned to Ips- 
wich and then first heard y e sad news of y e famous Mr. 
Mitchell's death, who died y e 10th, leaving Cambr. to a long 
bereavement. 

17. I returned to Cambridge, my brother John accom- 
panying me most part of the way to carry back the horses. 

November sometime I went with Mr. Corlet * to Rowley, 
were out 4 days 3 nights, 
p. 3. Anno 1669. 

March 20. I went to Wenham y e next day, being Sab- 
bath ; after sermon I went to Ipswich. 

25. Was a public fast. After y e fast about one of y 6 
clock at night I went aboord Prince's bark to come to 
Boston. 

26. Had a brave passage, came into Boston about 4 of 
y e clock in y e afternoon. I came to Cambridge that night. 

October 5. I went to Swanzey with my dear friend Mr. 
Hez : Willet. 

8. We came back to Cambridge. 

14. I heard of the death of my grandmother Starr, who 
died Oct. 9. 4 

23. I went to Ipswich with my uncle S. A. 

30. I came to Cambridge with T. Starr to carry back 
y e horse. 

Jan. 18. I went with my dear friend H. W. to Dedham. 

19. We went from thence to Swansey. I fell into Ne- 
ponset river with one of my feet, it was a bitter cold day. I 
froze my finger and H. W. his ear: we both had a fall. 

24. We came back to Wading river ;, 25. to Cambridge. 
1670. March 30. I went to Swans : with Mr. J. Willet. 
April 1. I came back alone to Dedham. 2. to Cam- 
bridge. 

May 6. I went to Ipswich to carry Seth Flint to School 
to Mr. And : 

10. I returned to Cambridge. 

18. I went to Swans : with H. W. 26. Came alone to 
Cambridge. 

27. H. W. came down to Camb. to the hazard of his life. 

* Corlet, his fellow-student, s^n of the famous pedagogue. 



1 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

Aug. 10. Were at M. St. — y e 2 incomparable sist. the 
2 Poles about which y e sky of excellency is turned. 

11. I went to Boston, sweat excessively, y l night first 
lodged there. 

12. I went to Ipswich with some scholars. 

17. I went to Salisbury. 19. Came back to Newberry. 

20. I came to Ipswich. 25, to Boston, so to Cambridge. 

Sept. 27. I received a note from Mr. Nowell to Mr. 
Danforth for 3 £ due for y e monitorship, and also S £ out of 
Mr. Web's house. 

28. I gave the note to Mr. Danf. received one of him 
to Mr. Greenlif, Dyer for 3 £ pound out of Mr. Web's house. 

29. I received 30 s cash of Mr. Greenlif upon y e note 
fores'd. I borrowed H. W's bed and some books of Capt. 
Willett. 

Octob. 6. I received of Mr. Saffin 1 £ 14 s d for Mr. 
Danf. upon y e full dues of H. W's account. 

13. I received of Mr. Greenlif y e remainder of y e fore- 
said note and gave him a receit: bought a Gouldman's 
Dictionary, cost 27 s I paid to Mr. Danf. 1 £ 14 s d - the full 
dues of H. W's account, and received a full discharge. 

14. My uncle Bu. came to Cambr. brought 2 cows, and 
gave them me w c - were turned in to Mr. Danf. 

15. I went with Mrs. E. W. to ten mile river. 

16. Sabbath day we went to Rehoboth, heard Mr. N. H. 
at night went to Swanzey, and there I met with my long 
unseen friend Mr. H. Willett. 

p. 4. Anno 1670. 

October 8. I returned to Cambr. alone yet wanted no 
company. 

27. I was at Boston, saw a thief and an Indian hanged : 
the Indian turned off singing. I set my hand for a wit- 
ness to a deed sealed and subscribed by Mr. John Saffin. 
I gave to Mrs. Saffin a discharge of Hezekiah Willet's 
accounts in Coll. from Mr. Dan : Stew : 

Nov. 2. I saw my good friend Penom. in a miserable 
exigency and writing a letter to ease his mind w c at night 
he covertly sends to Arest. and great part of that night he 
passed without sleep, and y e next day very restlessly. 

4. J. G. came to Penom with such news wherewith he 
was appalled; committed his thoughts to writing, passed 
y l whole night without a wink of sleep. 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 1 1 

5. Penom went to J. G. with y e writing in his hand, 
w c J. G. did &c. 

6. The Sabbath day, y e whole day my good friend 
Penom was sorely exercised in his mind, besought the 
throne of grace with teares and earnest prayers to be 
directed, and to be taught submission to y e will of God, 
going to the house of God receives it, records his sub- 
mission, prayes that he may receive strength to perform it, 
for he distrusts himselfe : at night he is put upon y e tryall, 
receives a charge that he must yield, he quietly submits, 
returns praise to God for his great goodness and mercy to 
him, betakes himselfe to his rest. 

7. Having lost himselfe in y e mazes of divine goodness, 
he applyes himselfe to the Omnipotent One ; leaves him- 
selfe with him ; where I also leave him to be guided by 
All-sufficient mercy and enabled to the performance of his 
solemn engagement. 

10. I went to Boston with deacon Chesholme, was warn- 
ed by him to look for great tryalls erelong, but I have under- 
gone many already, and if these be but preliminaria, well 
may I tremble to think what the penetralia will be. 

12. I began to write out the Charter of New-England 
for Mr. Thomas Danforth, Assist. 

18. I finished y e writing out y e Charter of N. E. for 
Mr. T. D. 

21. Mr. Danforth wittingly discoursing with me on 
y e liberall Arts, unwittingly instructed me in y e divine Art. 
That day I went with Mr. Whiting to Nonantum it being 
the day of their removal from thence to Cambr. 
p. 5. Anno 1670. 

Nov. 24. Was a public thanksgiving in y e Massachusets 
Colony in New-England. 

Dece 1. Primo aggressus sum compos, cone, ex *JK1 
n7£)fi [Ps. cix. 4] tale quid nunquam ante aggressus. 

This day was the first flight of snow this winter it being 
hardly over shoes. 

Dec. 7. Conventum fuit inter seniores Sophistas, ut in 
nostris singulis cubiculis, qui fuimus ex conspiratione nee 
nos nee ullus nostrum loqueremur in lingua vernacula, sub 
poena unius oboli, pro unaquaque sententia anglice prolata. 

8. I made an Analysis upoi_ Matthew 24. to y e 22. verse 



1 2 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

29. I went to Boston from thence to Dorch., detained 
there by y e weather 3 days and 4. nights :» y e first night I 
lodged at Capt. Fost* with S. Avery who told me of 
many things, among y e rest of Nic. Flammel Fran : and of 

R Fam : &c. Then I heard of Mr. Flint accepting a 

call there. 

30. 31. Commoratus fui apud M. Mat. 

Jan. 1. I heard Mr. Stoughton preach at Dorch. lodged 
y l night at Capt. Fost. 2. I came by Bost. to Cambr. 

12. J. Taylor sett sail for England to fetch Mr. Oakes : 
that night following and the next were 2 such bitter nights 
I could not keep myself warm in bed. 

Feb. 2. I was at Boston : y l night I lodged at Mr. Danf. 

7. Mr. Symmes pastor of Charlestown interred. 
Anno. 1671 

March 1. Was a fast at Cambridge and some other 
neighboring churches. 

9. I was at Boston. 10. Returned home by Roxbury 
ad visitandii Bowles. 

23. I went to Ipswich afoot with S. S.f 

31. I returned to Cambridge again. .♦ 

The 19th of this month began a storm of rain, which con- 
tinued (with very little intervalls of fair weather) till y e 3? 
of April. So becoming a sad prologue to y e doleful epilogue 
of y e death of y e ever honored and reall friend to piety and 
learning, Francis Willoughby Esquire, Deputy Governor of 
y e Massachusetts Colony in N. E. who dec- April y e 4th, 
about 4 of y e clock in y e morning. 

7. Francis Willoughby Esquire was solemnly interred 
with y e attendance of 11 foot companys (with y e doleful 
noise of trumpets and drums) in their mourning posture all 
marching, 3 thundering volleyes of shot discharged, an- 
swered with the loud roaring of great guns, rending the 
heavens with noise at y e losse of so great a man. 
p. 6. Anno 1671. 

April 11. Mrs. Sarah Manning of Cambridge was mar- 
ried to Mr. Joseph Bull of Hartford. 17. I sent home 
H. W's bedding and other things. 

18. Mr. Bull and his wife went home to Hartford. 

" Foster is meant. t Sewall, afterwards Chief Justice. 



Memoir of the Rev. William Adams. 13 

May 5. Our class declaimed their last declamations upon 
y e four languages Hebr. Gr. Lat. Eng. and y e 5 senses with 
an oration salutatory and valedictory. 

16. I went to Ipswich for Mr. Thomas Danforth. 

19. I came to Cambr. attending on y e worshipful Rich- 
ard Saltonstall Esqr. 

26. I wrote out 2 letters for y e worshipful Richard Sal- 
tonstall Esqr. to be sent to y e first and third churches of 
Boston endeavoring to procure' a reconciliation between 
them. Deus Hoc Cceptum secundet. 

29. I went afoot to Roxbury to Mr. Jos. Eliot about 
y e same business, from thence to Dorchest. to Mr. Stough- 
ton, thence to Boston to return my answer to y e author at y e 
Gov. Bellingham's, so home. 

31. Was Court of Election at Boston. Major Levrite 
first chos. Dep. Gov. Mr. William Stoughton then first 
chose Magistrate. 

June 28. Mrs. Ruth Angier married to Mr. Sam. Cheev- 
ers of Marblehead. 

July 3. Mr. Vrian Oakes arrived at N. Eng. to y e great 
joy of Cambridge. 

4. & 5. Was a general training at Boston. 

August 2. Was printed our theses for y e commencement. 

8. I was admitted to y e degree of Batchelour of Arts in 
Harvard Colledge in N. E. under y e Reverend Charles 
Chancey President. 

14. I was at Boston when Mr. Torry and Mr. Flint were 
urgent with me to, &c. 

15. I w r ent to Ipswich by Salem. 

18. I came to Salisbury. 19. I returned to Ipswich. 
This day deacon Chesholme buried at Cambridge. 

23. I returned to Cambridge by Salem. 

26. Mr. John Allin pastor of y e church at Dedham died. 

29. Mr. Allin buried — a funeral sermon preached by 
Mr. Thacher. 

Septem. 5. I went to Braintree w T ith Mr. Fl. 7. I re- 
turned to Cambr. 

22. I went to Mr. Oakes his house to dwell. This day 
I was at y e funerall of John Linds of Boston. 

Octo. 8. I set my hand for witness to a bond of John 
Swans to Mr. Sam. Saltonst. 

4th s. — vol. i. £ 



14 Memoir of the Rev. William Adams. 

9. About one or two of y e clock in y e morning Andrew 
Belcher Senr. his house was burned. The same day in the 
evening did — [Left blank.] 
p. 7. Anno 1671 

Octob. 5. I was at Boston and there heard y e wellcome 
news of y e welfare and return of my friend Mr. Hez. Willet. 

12. I was at Boston, there met with Mr. H. W. I re- 
turned to Cambr. by Roxbury. 

13. I went to Swansey with Mr. H. Willet. 

15. At Rehoboth I heard Mr. N. Newman. 

16. I rid out with some others to see y e strange effects 

of a violent hurricane y l had been on y e of Aug. about 

a mile and a half from Rehoboth, carrying about 20 rod in 
breadth, tearing up by y e roots, or breaking y e bodyes of 
almost all trees within its compasse saving only some small 
and low ones, and it is thought in all probability to have 
gone 15 miles in length. 

19. Was a public thanksgiving throughout y e colonies 
of y e Mass: .and Plymouth, myselfe w T as at Rehoboth. 

22. At Swans. I heard Mr. Miles. 

23. From Swansey I came with my dear friend Mr. 
H. W. to Roxbury, from whence he went to Boston, I to 
Dorchester, lodged with Mr. Flint &c. 

24. I went to Bost. thence to Cambr. thence to Bost. 
again — lodged with my dear friend Mr. H. Wil. at Mr. 
Saffin's. 

25. I took my leave of Mr. H. W. who was going to 
Swans, and I to Cambr. where at night I set my hand for 
a witness to an indenture w c Mr. Atkinson gave to Capt. 
Gookin. 

31. I went to Ipswich with Mrs. Flint of Brain tree. 
Nov. 2. I came to Wenham. 3. to Dorchester. 4. to 
Cambridge. 

8. Mr. Oakes ordained pastor of y e church at Cambr. 

9. I and Mrs. Ruth Flint fell into the water at Cambr. 
bridge. 

10. At evening I received a letter from y e inhabitants at 
Westfield to invite me thither to preach, with one from Ma- 
jor Pynchon and another from Mr. Glover both in their 
behalf. 

14. I went to Boston, lodg'd there with Mr. H. W. 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 15 

15. I came to Cambr. 

24. The first great snow this winter being almost knee 
deep. 

27. I sent my answer to y e inhabitants of Westfield by 
Tho. Deney who upo 28. went up and Sr. Taylor with him, 
to preach there at present. 

30. T was at Boston, bought Diodati's Annotations. 

Dec. 1. Mr. Chancey Pres. made a common place upon 
The. 1. Ames. Med. 
p. 8. Anno 1671. 

Dec. 20. I received of Mr. Danforth 6 yards i Searge 
for a wescoat and riding breeches. 

21. Was at Boston. Mr. Oxenbridge and Mr. Allin 
were soliciting me for Dedham w c Mr. Oakes before had 
done. 

Jan. 2. Major Lusher and Ensigne Fisher being urgent 
with me to preach at Dedham 3, engaged me for one day. 
5. Mr. No. com. placed. 
9. Old Goodman Crackbone of Cambr. died. 

22. I went to Dedham. 23. to Swansey to Mr. Flint's 
wedding. 

24. Mr. Josiah Flint married to Mrs. Esther Willett. 

25. We came down to Woodcocks and Wading River. 

26. To Dorchester. 
29. I came to Cambr. 

Feb. 17. I went to Dedham, lodg'd at Mr. Dwight's. 

18. Primo concionatus sum apud Dedhamitenses quod 
prius nusquam fecissem. In y e morning I thought I went 
like the fool to the correction of y e stocks, but at night by 
y e gracious presence of God with me y l day in such a sol- 
emn work as before I had not been exercised in, I had great 
cause to praise God for his gracious assistance and regard 
of me his poor unworthy creature, and have cause of deep 
humiliation for my unanswerable deportment to all his kind- 
nesses toward me. 

[Here is a line in short-hand.] 

19. I came to Cambr. w c day y e Reverend Mr. Chancey 
Pres. of Harvard Coll. in Cambr. departed this life about 4 
or 5 of y e clock in y e afternoon. 

21. Mr. Chancey Pres. interred. Mr. Oakes turned his 



16 Memoir of the Rev. William Adams. 

lecture into a funeral sermon on y e 2. Kings 2. 12. Mr. 
Nowell Soci. made a funeral oration in y e hall. 

28. I was at Watertown Lecture, when I came home at 
night Ensigne Fisher and Sergeant Avery were come from 
Dedham to me with a call from y e church for me to come 
to them in order to future settlement, w c call was by them 
represented to me as fully unanimous, none opposing, all 
willing to wait some time, only one desiring y l I should 
come immediately. 

29. I was at Boston, at night went to Dorchester. 
Anno 1672. 

March 1. I returned to Boston, so to Charlestown 
Lecture, thence home. 

21. I was at Boston where at Mr. Allin's, Major Lusher, 
Serj. Avery, Ens. Fish, urged me for an answer to y e Ch. 
call to w c I answered y l all I could say at present was to 
entreat them y l yy would turn their eyes another way for 
y l I could not give them any encouragement concerning me, 
neither finding my mind inclined to take upon me at present 
y l work nor seeing the providence of God clearly directing 
me thereto. 

p. 9. Anno 1672. 

March 21. But if I must give a positive answer I should 
desire further time : wherefore I must meet them there 
again April 11. 1672. 

25. I writt a letter for y e Governor and Mr. Saltonstall 
draw up by Mr. Cobbet to be sent to Mr. Knowles for him 
to be Pres. of our Harvard Coll. w c I [A word or two in 
short-hand.] 

April 11. I was at Boston, at Mr. Oxenbridge's I met 
with Dedham men to give them their answer which was to 
this effect : — That considering their respect as shown to 
me and their unanimity in their call, I had been ready 
to wish y l I were capacitated to accept of their motion, but 
since by the providence of God it was otherwise, I must in 
faithfulness tell them y l I dare not adventure upon this work. 

18. I went to Boston, y l night watcht with Mr. Nowell 
who lay sick at Charlestown of a feaver. 

May 20. I went to Brain tree to carry H. O. 21. Re- 
turned. 

22. A fast kept by y e General Court at Boston in y e 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 17 

Court House, y e work carried on by 6 ministers, Mr. Whit- 
ing, Cobbet, Oxenbridge, Eliot, Oakes, Mather. 

June 3. Mr. Oakes preached y e artillery sermon at 
Boston. 

4. I was taken sick of a fever and ague w c held me till 
July y e 5th. 

July 8. Dr. Hoare came in from England. 

12. Elder Frost of Cambr. died, out of w™ were taken 
6 stones. 

13. Died Mr. Alexander Nowel Sen r - Fellow of Harv. 
Coll. he lay sick of (as is conjectured) an hectick fever 
above a quarter of a year being most of y e time distempered 
in his head, yet rational a little before his death. 

15. Mr. Nowell buried. Serjeant Avery and Mr. 
Dwight sent from Dedham to discourse with me about a 
renewall of their motion to me. 

Aug. 12. A great Eclipse of the Sun, though not fully 
totall here at Cambridge. 

13. Mr. Vrian Oakes functus officio Praesidis admisit 
inceptores ad gradus in artibus. 

18. Secundo concionatus sum apud Dedhamenses tale 
munus nullibi unquam nisi isthic aggressus. 

20. I went to Ipswich and at Wenham had from Mr. 

Newman the full relation of y e strange death of Thomas 

p. 10. Anno 1672 
— Thomas Whitteridge his wife, who being a woman of no 
commendable life was by a fortune-teller told y 1 she should 
meet with great trouble, if she escaped with her life : after- 
ward being in great horror, Mr. Richard Hubbard gave her 
several scriptures to consider of. When he was gone she 
turned y e Bible the best part of an hour saying there was 
another scripture if she could find it, w c what it was or 
whether she found it being unknown to others she clapt the 
Bible too and said she would never look into it more, w c by 
the just judgment of God she never did. At night she told 
her son, a youth about 12 or 13 years at y e most, yMt would 
be as y e fortune teller had said — the boy desired his mother 
y l she would not mind what he had said, for he believed 
that he was a lying fellow, but y l she would mind what was 
said in the word of God. At this word she flew up saying 
(as some report) He is come ! The door either by her or 



18 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

of itselfe being opened with great violence she ran out. And 
being presently followed no sight could be had of her, but a 
shrieking or groaning or both was heard. The next morn- 
ing there was to be seen a path made thro the thickest 
places of weeds and briars as if a great timber log had 
been drawn there which being followed her coat was found 
therein, and she a little further with her face thrust into 
a little puddle of water not sufficient to cover all her face, 
lying dead. Quam inscrutabilia judicia Dei ! 

Sept. 15. Concionatus sum Dorchestriae. 

18. Major Lusher, Ens. Fisher, Serj. Avery, Mr. D wight 
came to me with a second call from y e church at Dedham 
for me to come to settle there at May next, and to preach 
as often as may be in y e mean time. 

26. It was referred to some of y e Elders for advice who 
concluded it y l I must go. 

p. 11. Anno 1672. 
Oct. 13. Concionatus sum Dedhamiae. 

16. Mr. Antypas Newman Pastor of y e Church at Wen- 
ham dyed. 

27. Concionatus sum Dedhamiae, and there gave my 
answer to the Churches second call. 

Nov. 3. Concionatus sum Ipsvici prima diei parte eodem 
die in Elcclesiam ibi admissus. 

13. Major Lusher mortuus. 18. Sepultus. 

24. Concionem habui funebrem qualem qualem Ded- 
hamiae in obitum Majoris Lusher Armigeri. 

Dec. 3. Interfui diei jejunii illic, quern Ecclesia cele- 
bravit. 

7. Richardus Bellinghamus, Armiger, Rector Massachu- 
settensis, mortuus. 

10. Leonardus Hoare, Medicinae Doctor, Collegii Har- 
vardini Praeses, Cantabr. N. A. inauguratus. 

1 7. R. Bell. Rector praedictus inhumatus. 

24. Dies Esurialis publicus, Dedhamiae concionatus 
sum. 

29. Dorcestriae primus ad mensam domini accessi, post- 
merid. diei parte ibi concionatus. 

Jan. 12. Cantabrigiae concionatus sum. 

26. Mrs. Lusher widow of Major Lusher Esq. died. 

Feb. 23. Concionatus sum Dedhamiae. 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 19 

p. 12. Anno 1673. 

March 13. Bridget Hoare, daughter of Dr. Leonard 
Hoare, President of Harvard Colledge in Cambn in New- 
Eng. born about 3 of y e clock in y e afternoon. 

21. The Castle burnt at Boston about a league from 
y e town. 

23. Concionatus sum Dedhamiae. 

24. The Church at Dedham y R 3d time called me to 
come and settle there at May next. 

25. Mrs. Clarck at Cambridge dyed. 

26. I sent a letter to Elder Hunting in answer to y e 
Churches call. 

April 1. I went to Weymouth, heard Mr. Torry. 

20. Concionatus sum Dorcestriae. 

May 4. Concionatus sum Bostoniae apud Ecclesiam 
Dom 1 Mather, post-meridiana diei parte. 

7. Mr. Vrian Oakes preacht y e Election Sermon at 
Boston. 

11. I preacht at Dorchester in exchange with Mr. Flint, 
who preacht at Dedham where his brother Seth lay sick. 
S r Mather preacht y e after part of the day for me at Dor- 
chester. 

12. Mr. Seth Flint, student of Harvard Coll. in his 
second years standing, died at Dedham. 

14. Mr. Seth Flint interred at Dedham. 

18. Concionem habui Dedhamiae in memoriam d ! Sethi 
Flintaei, talem isto die Spiritus divini influxum expertus ut 
illius in laudem gratiae divinae recordari debeam. 

25. Concionatus sum Dedhamiae. 

27. This day (being also my birth day) I removed from 
Cambridge to Dedham to y e solemn undertaking of y e min- 
istry there on triall for future settlement. As we were com- 
ing to Dedham my horse stumbled and I had a fall, tho 
I received no hurt ; which caused me to reflect upon myselfe 
whether I had not been something lifted up, y l there were 
so many come to attend on me, and to adore y e wisdom 
and grace of God in y l he can and doth effectually bring 
down high thoughts without bringing any reall hurt to his 
servants. 

June 2. Mr. Seaborn Cotton preacht y e Artillery Elec- 
tion at Boston. 



20 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

11. I was at Cambridge Lecture. 

14. I went to Rehoboth to exchange with Mr. Newman 
y e Sabbath, y e day following, who came down to see his 
sister, Mrs. Ruth Flint, who lay very sick almost without all 
hope of life. 16. I returned. 

17. The new meeting house at Dedham raised. 

18. I was at a fast at Dorchester. 

19. Mrs. Ruth Flint dyed at Braintree a little before 
sunset. 

21. I was at Braintree at y e funeral of Mrs. Ruth Flint. 

22. Mr. Watson of Hadley preacht for me one part of 
y e day. 

30. I went to Cambridge. July 1. to Ipswich. 4. to 
Salisbury. 

5. Concionatus Sarisburiae po-meridiana diei parte. 

7. I returned to Ipswich. 9. to Dedham. 

13. S r Burrough preacht for me in y e afternoon. 

16. I was at Medfield Lecture. 17. I bought a horse 
for3 £ 

22. At Milton I bought a horse of Capt. Cud worth of 
Situate for 4 £ 15 s - d And Ezra Morse had y e other 3 £ 
horse die 23d. 

p. 13. Anno 1673. 

July 29. About break of day in y e morning Mrs. Dwight 
brought to bed of a son which was named Seth. 

August 4. News brought y l New York is taken by 
y e Dutch. 

19. The Church at Dedham passed a vote to desire me 
to joyn to them in order to future settlement. 

Sept. 5. I went to Ipswich with Ensigne Fisher for my 
dismission. 9. We returned. 

28. I was admitted into y e church of Dedham by dis- 
mission from Ips. 

29. The Church and inhabitants of Dedham agreed to 
give me y e summe of 100 £ money or money's worth towards 
y ,; purchase of a habitation for my settlement, to be paid at 
3 moths warning. 

Oct. 8. Concionatus sum Medfieldiae die Mercurii, 

12. The Ch. at Dedham gave me an actual call to office. 
19. I yielded myselfe to them in acceptance of their call. 
Dec. 3. I was ordained Pastor of y e Church of Christ in 



Memoir of the Rev. William Adams. 21 

Dedham, Mr. Wilson giving y e charge, Elder Hunting and 
Deacon Aldis joyning in laying of hands : Mr. Danforth of 
Roxbury gave y e right hand of fellowship. 

Jan. 30. I was admitted to the freedom of y e Common- 
wealth of the Massachusetts. 
Anno 1674 

Oct. 21. I was married to Mary Manning of Cambridge. 

Nov. 11. I entered into Mr. Allin's house w c I hired of 
Mr. Dudley. 

23. Mr. Danforth of Roxbury buried. 

Dec. 23. Mr. Nehemiah Hubbard ordained at Cambr. 
Village. 

30. Mr. John Oxenbridge buried at Boston. 

Anno 1675. — Bella, Indica bella ! 

Aug 10. Admissus fui ad secundum gradum in Artibus 
in Coll. Harvard, in Cantabr. in Nov.-Anglia sub reverendo 
Vriano Oakes Praeside pro tempore. 

Nov. 12. My daughter Mary was born just at y e end of 
the day about 5 or 6 of the clock. 
Anno 1676. 

April 7. Capt. Gookin, Mr. Danforth, Mr. Stoughton, 
magistrates, and Mr. Eliot of Roxbury were thrown out of a 
boat into water and strangely preserved. 

10. Gov. Winthrop of Connecticut arrived in Boston. 

13. My daughter Mary dyed about 7 or 8 of y e clock at 
night. 

p. 14. Anno 1677. 

March 26. My son Eliphalet (so named from y e Lord's 
special preservation and deliverance of him and his mother 
from y e danger yy were both in at his birth) he w r as born 
about 2 or 3 hours before day. 

Dec. 24. Mr. Thomas Shepard of Charlestown, y l wor- 
thy servant of Christ in y e ministry, and Son to y e famous 
Mr. Shepard of Cambr. was buried, who dyed of y e small 
pox then rife at Charlestown. 
Anno 1678. 

Jan : 1 7. My son William was born 3 or 4 hours within 
night. 

Anno 1679. — June 24. My dear and loving wife de- 
parted this life after we had been married and lived together 
4 years and 8 months, whereby I am bereaved of a sweet 

4th s. — vol. i. 3 



22 Memoir of the Rev. William Adams. 

and pleasant companion and left in a very lonely and soli- 
tary condition. 

Aug 15. My son William deceased about 1 of y e clock 
in the morning, being about 7 months old. 

Anno 1680. — March 27. I was married to Alice Brad- 
ford daughter to Major William Bradford of Plimouth. 

Febr. 23. My daughter Elizabeth was born 2 or 3 
hours before daylight. 

Anno 1681. July 24. Mr. Vrian Oakes Pastor of y e 
Ch. at Cambr. and President of Harvard Colledge died. 
Anno 1682. 

April 3. My daughter Alice was born 2 or 3 hours before 
daylight. 

[This is the last entry in the handwriting of Mr. Adams. 
The following items are added by another hand.] 

Dec. 17. Betwixt 10 and 11 in the morning, in the year 
1683 was William Adams born. 

Mr. William Adams died Aug. 17. 1685. 

Abiel* Adams was born Dec: 15. 1685 after her father's 
death. 

Here ends the MS. Journal, from which we derive the 
following table of the family of Mr. Adams. 

William, b. 27 May, 1650 ; ordained minister of Dedham 
3 Dec, 1673; m. 21 Oct., 1674, Mary Manning of Cam- 
bridge. Their children were — 

1. Mary, b. 12 Nov., 1675; obiit 13 Ap., 1676. 

2. Eliphalet, b. 26 March, 1677. 

3. William, b. 17 Jan., 1678-9; ob. 15 Aug., 1679. 
Mrs. Mary, wife of the Rev. Wm. Adams, ob. 24 June, 

1679.— -He m. 2. Alice, d. of Major William Bradford of 
Plymouth, 29 March, 1680. Their Children were — 

4. Elizabeth, b. 23 Feb., 1680-1. 

5. Alice, b. 3 Ap., 1682. 

6. William, b. 17 Dec, 1683. 

7. Abiel* b. 15 Dec, 1685. 

Mr. Adams nowhere in his Diary mentions the amount of 

• Identical with Miah, which is the more common feminine name. In a registry 
of baptisms, kept by the Rev. Eliphalet Adams, of New London, instances occur in 
which he registered the name Mid, which, in the town record of births, is entered 



Memoir of the Rev. William Adams. 23 

salary given him by his congregation at Dedham. Dr. 
Lamson, in his Centennial Discourses, states that he re- 
ceived but 60 pounds annually, and that one year he relin- 
quished 8 pounds of this moderate stipend, on account of 
expenses incurred by the town during Philip's war. 

From the same source we derive the following fact, illus- 
trative of his patient assiduity in the investigation of divine 
truth. 

" In a book afterwards used for the Parish Records, and 
still preserved, he began, a little more than two years before 
his death, an exposition of the First Epistle of Paul to Tim- 
othy, which he did not live to finish. His commentary is 
exceedingly elaborate and minute ; and though it proceeds 
no further than the tenth verse of the first chapter, covers 63 
quarto pages, in Mr. Adams's peculiarly small and compact 
hand." 

Mr. Adams published, during his ministry, two sermons : 

1st. A Sermon on a day of General Fast, 21 Nov., 1678. 

2d. An Election Sermon, 27 May, 1685. 

Of these discourses, the accomplished historian and critic, 
repeatedly quoted, says, in substance, that they are emi- 
nently practical, and breathe throughout a serious, devout, 
and fervent spirit. " The language is pure Saxon English, 
and has at times much force and vigor, though plain and 
unadorned." * 

Alice, relict of the Rev. William Adams, was married in 
1686 to Major James Fitch, of Norwich, Ct., being his sec- 
ond wife. Eight children were the issue of this marriage. 
Major Fitch had a large landed estate in the eastern part of 
Connecticut. He resided in Norwich till about 1696 or 
1697, when he removed to Canterbury, w T here, at a place 
on the Quinnabaug river called Peagscomsuck, he had pre- 
viously laid out some farms, and established tenants. He is 
considered the first settler of Canterbury, to which place it 
appears to have been his original design to give the name of 
Kent* 



* " A History of the First Church and Parish in Dedham, in Three Discourses, 
delivered on occasion of the completion, Nov. 18, 1838, of the Second Century since 
the feathering of said Church. By Alvan Lamson, D. D., Pastor of the First Church 
in Dedham." 

t In a deed of 1609, on record in New London, Major Fitch styles himself " of 
Kent, alias Peagscomsuck." 



24 Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 

In the family of Major Fitch, under the care of their 
mother, it is probable that most of the children of Mr. Adams 
passed their childhood and youth. As Major Fitch had six 
children by his first wife, only one of whom is known to 
have died in infancy, and Mrs. Adams could bring with her 
five from Dedham, including her step-son, Eliphalet, and to 
this number eight more were subsequently added, it may 
be imagined that this overflowing household would occasion- 
ally exhibit some stirring scenes, especially when they were 
all collected, of a winter evening, around a large New Eng- 
land fire. If, at such a time, two or three sleigh-loads of 
former companions from Norwich, gliding forth with merry 
bells to visit their friends in the wilderness, should drive up 
and pour in upon them, it is tolerably certain that feasting 
and sport would wear out the night, and that the noise, mo- 
tion, and mirth would be sufficient to shake the stout plank 
floor, and to make the naked rafters quiver. Nor would the 
ancestral shadows, that flitted unseen around them, wholly 
frown on such a scene. The Puritan settlers of New Eng- 
land had more genial traits in their character than have been 
depicted in their portraits ; and had the ancestors of these 
young people, — the upright Bradford, the venerable Fitch, 
and the youthful, but precise and irreproachable Adams, — 
been upon the spot, they would doubtless have blessed the 
feast and partaken of it, and while the other festivities pro- 
ceeded, have sat in the next room, listening with compla- 
cency. 

Elizabeth, the oldest surviving daughter of the Rev. Wil- 
liam Adams, after her father's death, had been taken into the 
family of her mother's uncle, John Richards, Esq., of Boston, 
and by him educated.* It was, however, at Norwich that 
she became acquainted with her future husband and that 
her marriage took place. 

Samuel Whiting, . son of the Rev. John Whiting, fourth 
minister of Hartford, after graduating at Harvard University, 
prepared for the ministry by studying with the Rev. James 
Fitch, of Norwich, father of Major James Fitch. Mr. Whit- 
ing was one of the last pupils of that aged disciple. The 
infant settlement of Windham, lying north of Norwich, en- 

" This is stated in an obituary notice of the lady, 



Memoir of the Rev. William Mams. 25 

gaged his services as a minister in 1692. He cast in his lot 
among them, kept the people together in one flock, gathered 
a church, and was ordained its first minister 4 Dec. 1700.* 

The Rev. Samuel Whiting, 4 Sept., 1696, was married at 
Norwich to Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. William Adams, 
of Dedham. She had then numbered but fifteen years and a 
half, — an age sadly premature to be invested with the cares 
and solemnities that devolve upon the wife of a laborious 
country pastor, and to be set up for a model to the whole 
parish for sobriety of demeanour, discreet conversation, and 
skilful housewifery. The fact itself is an attestation of supe- 
rior merit, showing that she was sedate, wise, and accom- 
plished beyond her years. They lived together twenty-nine 
years, and had thirteen children, eleven of whom, if not 
more, were living at the time of Mr. Whiting's decease, 27 
Sept., 1725. 

Several of these children became in after life distinguished 
persons. Col. William Whiting, the oldest son, commanded 
a colonial regiment during the war with the French on our 
northern frontier, and was noted for his personal bravery 
and noble military bearing. Anecdotes of his great strength 
and martial prowess are still related in the neighbourhood 
where he lived. His stature, it is said, was tall, his frame 
robust, with great breadth of chest, and a voice like the roar 
of a lion for loudness. He could give out words of com- 
mand which might be distinctly understood at the distance 
of a mile. 

John, another son of the Rev. Samuel and Mrs. Elizabeth 
Whiting, received a liberal education, and was settled in the 
ministry over the Second Society of Windham (Scotland 
Parish). After a few years he relinquished preaching, and 
sustained the offices of Judge of Probate and colonel of a 
regiment. 

A third son of this family, Nathan, also bore the title of 
Colonel. Though descended from a peaceful stock, they 
appear, as a family, to have had a strong tendency to mar- 
tial pursuits. Tradition asserts that the eminent mother of 
these heroes had, at one time, during the French war, six- 
teen sons and grandsons who held commissions in the army. 

* Trumbull, Book I. Ch. 19. 



26 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

Mary, youngest daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth Whit- 
ing, born 24 Nov., 1712, was married to her father's suc- 
cessor in the ministry at Windham, viz., the Rev. Thomas 
Clap, 23 Nov., 1727. She was even younger than her 
mother when she entered into the marriage state, and 
scarcely past childhood, wanting a day of being fifteen years 
of age. She died 9 Aug., 1736, leaving two daughters, — 
Mary (married to David Wooster of New Haven) and Tem- 
perance (married to Timothy Pitkin, of Farmington). Mr. 
Clap, in 1749, was chosen President of Yale College. 

Elizabeth, relict of the Rev. Samuel Whiting,- after re- 
maining a widow twelve years, was married, in 1737, to the 
Rev. Samuel Niles, of Braintree, Mass. The death of Mr. 
Niles, 1 May, 1762, left her to a second widowhood. She 
then removed to New Haven, the residence of her youngest 
child, Col. Nathan Whiting, and there lived till her death, 
21 January, 1767. Her offspring at that period amounted 
to 160. This lady has left among her descendants the rep- 
utation of an eminent woman, — able, resolute, and pious. 



Alice, second daughter of the Rev. William Adams, of 
Dedham, was married, 19 Feb., 1701, to the Rev. Nathaniel 
Collins, first minister of Enfield, Mass. It was at the house 
of Mr. Collins that his brother-in-law, Mr. Whiting of Wind- 
ham, while paying a visit, was taken sick and died, Sept., 
1725. Mrs. Alice Collins died 19 Feb. 1735.* 



Of William, youngest son, and Abiel, youngest daughter 
of the Rev. William Adams, very little is known ; the prob- 
ability is that neither of them left posterity. William, as is 
learned from the fragment of a journal begun by his brother 
Eliphalet, was, in 1699, in a state of helpless infirmity. 



Eliphalet, oldest son of the Rev. William Adams, and 
only surviving issue by his first wife, Mary Manning, has 
been purposely reserved to be mentioned last, not only be- 
cause more could be said of him, but because it is only in 

* The dates of marriage and death of Mrs. Collins, and likewise the dates of mar- 
riage and death of Mrs. Clap, before given, were kindly communicated by Nathaniel 
Goodwin, Esq., of Hartford. 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalel Mams. 27 

his line that the name of the father is continued, and this 
memoir will be brought down to the present generation. 

His youth appears to have been almost a copy of that of 
his father. He was left an orphan at the same age, with 
poverty, balanced by kind friends, for his portion. By the 
assistance of those friends he obtained an education, and 
graduated at Harvard College, 1694. It has been already 
mentioned, that, in the MS. volume which contains his 
father's Journal, he had commenced a similar record. The 
plan was pursued but for a very short period. What was 
written will be here given verbatim. 

Eliphalet Adams 
His Book Anno 1699. 

Anno 1677. March 26. I was born a sinner into an 
evil world. 

1679. June 24. My Mother died. 

1685. Aug. 17. My Father left this evil world and left 
me an orphan to God's Providence and a wide world. 

1696 Nov. 20th. I came first to Little Compton to 
preach amongst y m> 

1698 July 12. I was put in to be an Indian preacher 
by the Gentlemen who have the oversight of y l work. 

1699. May. I preached my first sermon to the Indians 
in their own language, with fears lest I should be a Bar- 
barian to y™ but yy told me yy understood it well and ac- 
cepted it thankfully. 

Aug 28. I went to Conn 1 to see my friends where the 
sight of my poor brother William (w T ho is so weak as y l he 
can neither stand nor go) damped my comforts y l otherwise 
I might have had with y e rest. 

Sept. 5. I went with my brother Whiting to Hartford 
where the people of Farmington met with me and gave me 
an earnest invitation to come and exercise y e work of the 
ministry among y 1 ? 

14. I returned home with safety. 

[Here ends the MS.] 

The next fact ascertained in the life of the Rev. Eliphalet 
Adams is, that he was ordained pastor of the Congrega- 
tional Church in New London, Conn., 9 Feb. 1708-9. His 



28 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

brother-in-law, the Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Windham, 
preached on the occasion. His ministry in New London 
continued forty-three years, a period of honor to himself and 
usefulness to the town. 

The Rev. Eliphalet Adams married, 15 December, 1709, 
Lydia, daughter of Alexander and Lydia Pygan, of New 
London. A short digression may here be allowed respect- 
ing the ancestry of Mrs. Lydia Adams. 

Alexander Pygan settled in New London about the year 
1666. The record of his marriage states that he was from 
Norwich, Old England. His conduct at first was not such 
as would lead to the supposition that he emigrated for con- 
science' sake, though in the end he settled down into a dig- 
nified magistrate and a sober Puritan. He was several times 
presented by the jurors, and arraigned before the courts, for 
offences against law, order, and morality. One of the com- 
plaints entered against him was by Rebecca Redfyn, " for 
enticing away her daughter's affections contrary to the laws 
of this corporation." On this charge he was dealt with and 
amerced by the county court. Whether the interference 
of the mother and the magistrates had the natural effect of 
enhancing the desire of the young people to be united is 
not known, but the nuptials were solemnized very soon 
after the presentment. " Alexander Pygan from Norwich, 
Old England, was married on the 17th of June 1667 to 
Judith, the daughter of William Redfin." * 

Mr. Pygan's irregularities did not entirely cease with his 
marriage. In 1670, he was presented "for strange and 
passionate distempered carriage in his house." On this 
charge he was acquitted. In 1673, he was indicted "for 
presumptuous and illegal carriage in shooting the horse of 
Mrs. Ann Latimer " : damages laid at thirty shillings. He 
was fined and bound over to good behaviour. At the same 
session of court, he was amerced for selling liquor to In- 
dians. But here his offences seem to have terminated. 

He was a man of great activity and enterprise in business. 
He established a tannery at the north end of the town, on 
the Mill Brook, and engaged largely, for the day, in mer- 

* Probably Redfin should be Redfield. The latter name is still continued ; the 
former is unknown to the place or its vicinity. 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 29 

chandise. He had at one time a shop in Norwich, and sold 
goods extensively in Windham and other places. 
By his wife Judith he had two daughters : — 

1. Sarah, born 23 Feb., 1669-70. 

2. Jane, " Feb., 1670-1. 

Mrs. Judith Pygan died 30 April, 1678. Subsequently, 
Mr. Pygan removed to Saybrook, and opened a house for 
public entertainment. 

" This Court grants a license to Mr. Alexander Pygan to 
retayle wine, sider or Liquors in Saybrook during the 
Court's pleasure, he suffering no disorder in his house. 
And the youth, or any other inhabitants in Saybrook be 
not entertayned and supplied with drink contrary to law 
or the damage of the town." — Records of County Court, 
Nov., 1683. 

While in Saybrook, he entered into a second matrimonial 
connection ; the record on the town book of Saybrook is as 
follows : — " Alexander Pygan of New London, was mar- 
ried to Mrs. Lydia Boyes, late wife of Mr. Samuel Boyes of 
Saybrook, April 15. 1684." 

After this, he appears to have returned to his residence in 
New London, where his daughter 

Lydia was born 10 January, 1684-5. 
This was the only child of the second marriage. 

Alexander Pygan died in New London early in Sept., 
1700. The inventory of his estate amounted to £1372. 
His will is extant in the Probate files of the county. He 
bequeathed one fourth of his estate and £50 more to his 
wife; forty shillings in money to his wife's son, Samuel 
Boyes, to buy him gloves and a ring ; and the remainder of 
his estate to be equally divided between his three daughters. 

" And whereas I have formerly given to each of my daugh- 
ters, Sarah Hallam and Jane Green, a negro girl, so I do 
hereby declare that I have given unto my daughter Lydia, a 
negro girl commonly called Kate, and it is therefore my will 
that the said Kate shall not be reckoned or valued as any 
part of my estate." 

This testament was signed 12 Aug., 1700. On the 28th 
of August, same year, a codicil is added on account of the 
death of Sarah Hallam, which had intervened. In this 
instrument the bequest to her is revoked, and a legacy of 

4th s. — vol. i. 4 



30 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

£\0 only is left to each of her three children, Alexander, 
Edward and Sarah. To Alexander he bequeaths also his 
great Bible. 

As Mr. Pygan left no son, this strange name has not been 
continued in our annals. It is not ascertained that any other 
person of the name ever emigrated to this country ; nor has 
any relationship of Mr. Pygan with any other family been 
traced, except with the Belchers of Boston. Andrew Bel- 
cher of Boston stood in that uncertain degree of propin- 
quity to Mr. Pygan which was designated by the term 
cousin. They were connected in the way of trade, and in 
their accounts frequently employ this familiar title, as in the 
following receipts : — 

"Boston the 2 nd July 1698. 

" Then Reckoned with my Cozen Alexander Pygan and 
thare is due to him p r ace 1 bareing date this day one hun- 
dred and ten pounds eighteen shillings and 3d. — the Bal- 
lance as p r ace 1 due him " <$p And r Belcher." 

"July 5. 1698. Rec d of my Cozen Pigg sixty-six 
pounds money, carried to his credit 

" <& And r - Belcher." 

This Andrew Belcher is supposed to have been father of 
Jonathan Belcher, who in 1730 was Governor of Massachu- 
setts and New Hampshire, and subsequently of New Jersey. 

The New England Weekly Journal, printed in Boston, 
chronicles the death of Mrs. Pygan, relict of Alexander, in 
the following terms : — 

" Mrs. Lydia Pygan died at New London July 20, 1734, 
aged 90 years, 4 months and some days. She was born at 
Saybrook March 9. 1644,* and was the first female child 
born in Saybrook : her mother was a Danforth." 

This paragraph was most probably furnished for the 
Journal by Mr. Adams, the son-in-law of the venerable de- 
ceased ; we may therefore assume it to be indubitably cor- 
rect. At the period of her birth, Saybrook could have been 
little more than a fort. It was sold that year (1644) to 

* It is evident from the age of the lady, that this date coincides with New Style. 
Ihe Kev. Lhphalot Adams had a peculiar mode of dating: instead of using the 
double date until March 25, as most of our fathers did, he continued it only through 
rebruary, and began his year with March. 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 31 

Connecticut, by Mr. Fenwick ; and very few families could 
have settled there previous to 1645 or '46. 

It would have gratified the antiquarian, if the journalist 
had given the name of the father, as well as that of the 
mother, of Mrs. Pygan ; but here he is silent. Who, then, 
was her father ? Some investigations have been made to 
ascertain this point, and the result is, that her maiden name 
was probably Bement, or Beaumont. This conclusion is 
grounded on the following premises : — 

The will of Abraham Finch of Saybrook was exhibited 
and approved in County Court, 1667. Legatees, Lydia 
Bemont and Hannah Edwards. Subsequently, Samuel 
Boyes produced in Court a claim against George Tongue, 
of New London, for fifteen pounds, due to the estate of 
Abraham Finch, which he stated to be a part of the legacy 
given by the said Finch to " Lidra Beumontt." Whereupon 
the Court ordered the said bill to be paid to Samuel Boyes, 
and execution allowed against George Tongue for the same. 
"Petition granted April y e 13. 1669." - 

It is not positively stated in this transaction that Lydia 
Beaumont had become the wife of Samuel' Boyes ; but it 
may fairly be inferred from the manner in which the two are 
identified in the claim. The marriage of Samuel Boyes was 
probably recorded in the oldest or first book of Saybrook 
Records, which book was destroyed by fire, when the house 
of Mr. Tully, the Town Clerk, was burnt, more than a hun- 
dred years since. All the other records were fortunately 
saved. Mr. Boyes probably died in 1683. The inventory 
of his estate was exhibited to the County Court in Novem- 
ber of that year, and administration granted to Mrs. Lydia, 
the relict, assisted by Thomas Mecock of Guilford. A divi- 
sion of the estate was also ordered, viz. : to the widow 
£250 ; to the son, Samuel, £380 ; to daughter Dorothy, 
£190. 

This Dorothy is not afterwards presented to our notice. 
No reference to her, or to any descended from her, is made 
in the will of her mother. 

Samuel, son of Samuel Boyes of Saybrook, was born on 
the 6th of December, 1673. 

This is found recorded in a small account-book that had 
belonged to the Pygan family. We have but little further 



32 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Adams. 

knowledge of this person. His family, if he had any, may 
have been registered in Boston ; for whenever he appears to 
us, he belongs to that place. An acquittance from Samuel 
Boyes, of Boston, to Eliphalet and Lydia Adams, of New 
London, for £40 devised to him by will of his mother, Mrs. 
Lydia Pygan, is dated 4th of Jan., 1737. 

Sarah, the oldest daughter of Alexander Pygan, married, 
8 July, 1686, Nicholas Hallam. 

Jane, the second daughter, married, 29 March, 1694, 
Jonas Green. As these daughters were by the first wife, 
and not of Adams' blood, they belong no further to our 
Memoir. It will not be wholly irrelevant to our subject, 
how r ever, to state a few facts relative to the family of one 
of them. 

Jonas Green was from Cambridge, and probably an older 
brother of the elder Timothy Green, printer, who removed 
from Boston to New London in 1714. Jonas settled here, 
probably, before his marriage, and remained here, with the 
exception of one short interval, till his death in 1730 or 1731. 
He had seven children, all born in New London, except the 
second child, Sarah, whom the record states to have been 
born at Say brook, 9 Oct., 1697. This Sarah was married, 
15 June, 1716, to John Adams. 

Pursuing our investigations, we find that John and Sarah 
Adams had eight children born and baptized in New Lon- 
don, and that they then removed, apparently with their 
whole family, to Boston. They dated from that place in 
1734. Perhaps this John Adams, residing here for fifteen 
or sixteen years during the ministry of the Rev. Eliphalet 
Adams, and linking himself in the same circle of connec- 
tions, might have been a near relative of that divine, — a son, 
it may be, of John, the brother of the Rev. William Adams, 
of Dedham. This may be left for future inquiry. 

Children of the Rev. Eliphalet and Mrs. Lydia Adams : 

1. William, born 7 Oct., 1710. 

2. Pygan, * 27 Mar., 1712. 

3. Mary, « 5 Mar., 1713-4. 

4. Thomas, baptized 4 Jan., 1715-6. 

5. Samuel, born 11 Aug., 1717; died, 5 months old. 

6. Lydia, « 20 Feb., 1720; died 17 July, 1721. 
The Rev. Eliphalet Adams was an exemplary and tal- 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Adams. 33 

ented clergyman. His contemporaries praised him also for 
his learning. The Rev. John Barnard, enumerating the 
most eminent New England divines that he had personally 
known, characterizes Adams of New London as " a great 
Hebrician." * His published sermons, taking into account 
the age, infancy of the country, and other circumstances, are 
fine specimens of pulpit eloquence. The following is a list 
of those printed sermons of Mr. Adams which are to be 
found in the library of the Connecticut Historical Society, in 
Hartford. It may not comprise all that he published. 

1 . " Christians to be ready " ; delivered at a Lecture in 
Boston, 1706. 

2. Conn. Election Sermon, 1710. * 

3. At the Funeral of the Rev. James Noyes, of Stoning- 
ton, who died 10 Dec, 1719. 

4. Funeral of Gov. Saltonstall, 1724. 

5. Ordination of the Rev. William Gager, at Lebanon, 
27 May, 1725. 

6. Ordination of the Rev. John Owen, at Groton, 22 
Nov., 1727. 

7. Funeral, of the Rev. John Bulkley, 1731. 

8. Conn. Election Sermon, 1733. 

9. Death of his wife, 1749. 

10. Death of his daughter, Mrs. Mary Bulkley, 1749. 
He was also the author of a valuable treatise, entitled 

" The Absence of the Comforter mourned and lamented." 

Mr. Adams was a Trustee of Yale College from 1720 to 
1738. These dates include that exciting period which fol- 
lowed the secession of Dr. Cutler, Rector of the College, to 
Episcopacy. The two members of the Faculty from New 
London, Gov. Saltonstall and Mr. Adams, were firmly united 
in counsel and opinion ; and their influence upon the Insti- 
tution was very great in that season of trial and perplexity. 

In 1723, Mr. Adams was elected to the vacant Rector- 
ship^ but he declined the office, doubtless on account of 
the disturbed state of opinion in the College, which made 
the station one of great labor and responsibility. 

* Mass. Hist Coll., Vol. X. p. 170. 

t History of Yale College, by Professor Kingsley. The Principal of the College 
was then called Rector. The style of" President and Fellows of Yale College" was 
introduced by the charter of 1745. 



34 Memoir of the Rev, Eliphalet Mams. 

Mr. Adams was often resorted to for counsel in cases of 
schism or perplexity in the churches of the Colony ; and he 
also found use for great wisdom and discretion in managing 
the billowy elements of his own congregation. But he had 
a large heart, as well as an expanded mind ; and his intel- 
lect and affections were not wholly exhausted upon his 
parishioners, and in ecclesiastical councils. He took many 
youths into his family, and prepared them for a collegiate 
course, or for the ministry, or for other departments of life. 
As an instructor, he was amiable and efficient. He was 
likewise assiduous in his endeavours to benefit the Indians in 
his vicinity. In this labor he was a worthy successor of the 
indefatigable Fitch, o£ Norwich, and led the way for a third 
excellent laborer in this vineyard, the Rev. Mr. Jewett, of 
New London (North Parish). 

Mr. Adams had acquired a knowledge of the Indian lan- 
guage, as spoken by the tribes of Massachusetts, before his 
settlement in New London ; and this gave him great advan- 
tage in his intercourse with the Moheagans, whose dialect 
was but a variation of the same language. He could 
readily converse with them so as to be understood, though 
in addressing public assemblies he found it necessary to 
secure the services of an interpreter. A Society of Gentle- 
men, in Boston, connected with a body incorporated in 
Great Britain, for the propagation of the Gospel in New 
England, employed Mr. Adams as their agent with the 
Indians in this part of Connecticut. Among his papers is 
found the draft of an address, delivered to a general assem- 
blage of Moheagans, Sept. 9, 1725, in which he lays before 
them the propositions of the gentlemen of Boston, to have 
them instructed in the principles of the Christian religion, 
and to establish schools among them, in which their children 
might be taught to read and write ; " that so you may live 
more comfortably in this world, and be happy for ever." 
" They will willingly," he continues, " be at this charge and 
expense for your sakes, and maintain ministers among you, 
who will make it their business to acquaint you with these 
things and teach you every Sabbath." 

The Indians at this time, sad to relate, declined the favor 
intended them, and treated the subject with indifference, if 
not with-disdain. No schools or meetings were then estab- 



Memoir of the Rev, Eliphalet Mams, 35 

lished. From the same minutes of Mr. Adams, to which 
we have adverted, we learn that he repeated the generous 
offers of the Boston Society, " 7 month, '32," to an assem- 
bly of Indians, " gathered from Monhagin, Pequod and Ni- 
antick : — Capt. Thomas Avery, Capt. John Mason, and 
Capt. Morgan interpreting to their understanding." Their 
reply, though not a refusal, was somewhat evasive. They 
said Mr. Fitch of Norwich had formerly preached to^them, 
but they never well understood it ; they were afraid they 
should not understand it now, and wished that the preach- 
ing might be deferred till they were able to understand it. 
" Yet," say they, "if at any time a short account of the prin- 
ciples of your religion be given, we will readily hearken 
to it." 

The offer of a school they accepted thankfully, and re- 
quested that it might be established at Moheagan, and that 
it might be under the direction of their friend, Capt. John 
Mason, — the other tribes engaging to send their children 
thither. In these respects their wishes were gratified ; a 
school was forthwith begun, under the teacher of their 
choice. By means of Mason's school, and other advantages, 
a knowledge of the English tongue was soon diffused among 
them, so that many were able to understand common Eng- 
lish preaching to a considerable extent. This was a great 
blow to their heathenish observances. After this period 
they never clung very tenaciously to their peculiar super- 
stitions. 

The ministerial labors of Mr. Adams among the Indians, 
though often intermitted, were as often resumed, and con- 
tinued to the year 1746. For several years he made a reg- 
ular annual tour of preaching from tribe to tribe, reporting 
the result to Col. Winthrop and A. Oliver, Esq., active 
members of the Society in Boston. His memoranda, as 
jotted down in his note-book, were, for the year 1738, as 
follows:- 1169689 

April 6. Preached at Mohagin to 30 Indians. 

" 25. At Niantick : 20 Inds. 
May 9. At Pequot : present above 20 Inds. 
" 22. At Niantick. Only gave a few random exhort- 
ations as most of the Indians were gone to a dance at Mon- 



36 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

hagin, and then to wait on the Court of Commissioners at 
Norwich which were to sit next day. 

June 6. At Pequot. The Indians had been above a 
fortnight attending the Commission Court at Norwich : the 
Court was over, and they had returned home. 

June 30. At Niantick. — Indians returned. 

July 18. At Pequot. 

Aug. 15. At Niantick. No Indians at home ; heard the 
scholars read, &c. — 

Sept. 17. At Mohagin : — above 30 Inds. present. 

Oct. 6. At Mohagin — about 20. 

Mr. Adams appears to have been correct and methodical 
in all his concerns. His church registry of marriages, bap- 
tisms, and admissions to the church, though crowded into a 
small compass, is probably full and complete. He wrote a 
fair and delicate hand, often so exceedingly minute as to 
make the diminutive calligraphy of his father appear large. 
The schedule of a sermon is frequently pressed into a sur- 
face of three or four square inches. He used abridgments, 
breaks, and short-hand in order to save time and space, and 
mnemonical words to assist his memory. His sermons and 
drafts of letters are rendered by these means almost wholly 
unintelligible. He was an accurate and beautiful copyist ; 
and in his Vade Mecum, interspersed among skeleton ser- 
mons, are found transcribed whole numbers of the Spec- 
tator, various odes, poems, and epitaphs, in Latin and Eng- 
lish, but chiefly of a political nature, anecdotes, choice 
scraps, arithmetical problems, and medical prescriptions, 
displaying a wide versatility of taste. 

After the death of Mr. Pygan, Mr. Adams occupied the 
Pygan homestead with his mother-in-law : upon her demise 
it became his own. The house stood on the west side 
of Main Street, at the north end of the town, nearly opposite 
the Mill. The site was elevated, and a flight of stone steps, 
let into the bank, led up to it. A part of the roof was 
nearly flat, the other part very sloping. At either end stood 
a tall pine-tree. This venerable mansion, though spared by 
the enemy in the conflagration of most of the town, 6 Sept., 
1781, has long been demolished. A single pine-tree, the 
last of the group, stands sentinel over the spot. The large 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 37 

lot upon which the house stood was purchased by Mr. 
Pygan, about the year 1670, and has ever since been in the 
possession of the family. The Rev. Mr. Hallam, its present 
owner, acquired it by inheritance from the Adams branch 
of his ancestors. 

The ministry of Mr. Adams was cast amid exciting 
scenes. The waves of religious enthusiasm rolled high 
around him. Fluctuations were prevalent, and the minds 
of men rushed to extremes. The Rogerene Quakers gave 
him much disturbance ; the Baptists in his time founded 
their first church in New London; the Episcopal Society 
arose directly out of his congregation about the year 1730. 
The perfection of his character is shown, in that, amid all this 
change and progress, he kept his bark steady. In five 
months of the year 1741, from May to September inclusive, 
he records the accession of eighty members to his church. 
This shows that there was a great revival of religion that 
year. 

Mrs. Lydia Adams died 6 Sept., 1749, aged 62 years 
and 8 months. She was seized with paralysis while spend- 
ing the afternoon with her husband at the house of Mr. 
Samuel Edgecombe, a friend and neighbour, where she ex- 
pired thirty hours afterwards. " A dreadful interval of time 
to me," said the sorrowing husband, " which no words of 
mine have power to express." On the next Sabbath, he f 
delivered an affecting funeral discourse from Ezek. xxiv. 16 : 
" Son of man ! Behold I take away from thee the desire of 
thine eyes with a stroke." 

The partiality of the speaker may, perhaps, have enhanced 
the virtues of the deceased, but the character he bestows 
upon her is interesting. 

" She was ever compassionate and pitiful to the distressed, 
and courteous and hospitable to the servants of the Lord ; 
her house, her table, and her heart was open to them ; she 
rejoiced to see them, and they were satisfied with her agree- 
able entertainment. She was a faithful friend where she 
professed friendship. If any that she took for friends 
seemed to alter, yet she was not willing to throw them off 
in haste, and she had this rare quality of a true friend, that 
when she thought them manifestly faulty, she would tell 
them of it without fear or flattery, and never said more 

4th s. — vol. r. 5 



38 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Jldams. 

behind their backs than she was ready to say to their 
faces." 

In the course of the sermon Mr. Adams alludes, with 
warm expressions of gratitude, to the extreme kindness 
which had been shown to himself and family during their 
severe affliction. These attentions, he observes, were not 
limited to his own congregation. " All that came about us, 
seemed to be full of good will : I could read it in their looks, 
I could see it in their tears, — we felt it in the good offices 
they were ready to do, whether as ministers, (the Reverend 
Mr. Graves prayed with us again and again with much 
sympathy,) or physicians, or attendants, or watchers. Even 
those who have for some time separated themselves from 
our fellowship (for reasons best known to themselves) ran 
with the foremost to our assistance. Their words did good 
like a medicine, and they brought us some choice cordials 
out of the Holy Books, which we, taken up with our sorrows, 
might not so easily light on." This quotation is given to 
show that the rent which had taken place in the church had 
left unbroken the harmonious Christian intercourse of indi- 
viduals. The Rev. Mr. Graves was the Episcopal clergy- 
man. Mr. Edgecombe, at whose house Mrs. Adams died, 
was one of the first founders of the Episcopal Church. It 
was noticed that he had been baptized at the same time 
with her, 58 years previous, by the Rev. Gurdon Salton- 
stall. " And thither it seems," says the bereaved husband, 
" she must come to die ; and there we found a most hospi- 
table reception and entertainment, nor would they scarce 
bear to hear us express our sorrow for the trouble brought 
upon them, by reason of the attendance upon her, and the 
crowd of people that flocked in to see her day and night."* 

Not long after the death of his wife, and while his heart 
was still bleeding from the sudden and painful rupture of its 
dearest ties, he was called to perform the funeral functions 
over the remains of his beloved daughter, Mrs. Bulkley, of 
Colchester. She died 24th Jan., 1749-50. Confined by 
sickness at the time of her mother's death, the heavy tidings 
was supposed to have hastened her own demise. " Such 



* It is strange that a custom — that of crowding around the dying- — so distracting 
to friends and attendants, and, in many cases, so injurious to the patient, should ever 
have been allowed. Yet it appears to have been universally prevalent in our country 
at former periods. 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 39 

was the endearment between the two," says Mr. Adams, 
" that I may borrow the expression used in Canticles vi. 9, 
and say, she was the only one of her mother, the choice one 
of her that bare her." The sermon preached by the father 
on this occasion, from the passage, " Deep calleth unto 
deep ; all thy waves and thy billows are gone over me," 
shows no decay of pulpit energy or of fine feeling. The 
language is full and flowing, and a tender earnestness per- 
vades the whole discourse. 

Original portraits of Mr. Adams and his wife Lydia, pre- 
served in antique oval frames, are in the possession of the 
Rev. R. A. Hallam, of New London. They have been 
recently cleaned and revivified, and are beautiful as pictures, 
as well as valuable for portraits. Mr. Adams has a noble 
aspect ; cheerful and animated, yet benign. The counte- 
nance of his wife is delicate and attractive. 

Mr. Adams contracted a second marriage, but no record 
in New London affords any clue to the date of the event, or 
the name of the lady. He lived with her but two or three 
years at the utmost. His will is dated 1 1 of Aug., 1752. In 
it he provides liberally for his wife, Elizabeth, securing to her 
all the estate and household goods she brought with her, 
the use of three eighths of the homestead, and improvement 
of six acres of land. He also gave her three cows, a negro 
boy named Peley, and lastly, " my two-handled silver cup, 
two silver porringers, and three silver spoons, such as she 
shall choose, all marked e £ l ." 

In the old burial-ground of New London, a table of red 
sandstone bears the following inscription : — 

Here Lies the Remains of 

The Rev d Mr. Eliphalet Adams, 

Who rested from his Labours, 

October 4 th JD 1753, 
In the 77$ year of his age. 

So just the skies, 
Philander's Life so Pain'd, 
His Hart so pure, 

then, or succeeding scenes 
Have Palms to give, s 

or, ne'er had ha been born. ^ 

Heb. 6V— 10. 



40 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

It will be observed, that the quotation from Young in the 
foregoing epitaph intimates that a life of more than common 
trouble was the portion of Mr. Adams. It is supposed to 
refer, in part, to domestic trials in the latter part of his life ; 
not only in the loss of wife and daughter, but to the long 
period, of ill-health and confinement that his wife had previ- 
ously suffered. " You all know," says the funeral discourse, 
"that God appointed unto her months of pain and even 
years of sickness." It may be supposed also, that the rup- 
ture in his church and parish — a rival existence, adverse in 
many respects, and wresting from him a portion of his pre- 
rogatives, springing up from the very bosom of his fold — 
must have been a blow to his peace and happiness, that fell 
with more than ordinary crushing power. 

Another great schism in his society, and one which prob- 
ably caused him still more annoyance, was that produced by 
what has been called the New Light Stir. Though no 
separate religious society was organized by the seceders out 
of the congregation of Mr. Adams, New London was the 
place where the greatest degree of frenzy was manifested. 
Here the meetings were most tumultuous, and here the 
famous bonfire was made of the idols and vanities. Mr. 
Adams kept out of the current of excitement, diligently em- 
ployed in his duties, steadfast but conciliatory, and never 
acting on the aggressive. Standing thus firmly at his post, 
while the foundations rocked under him, he kept the body 
of his people together, though enthusiasm bore away here 
and there a convert from his fold. His task was rendered 
more difficult by the defection of his brethren in the vicinity. 
Mr. Jewett, of the North Parish, and Mr. Owen, of Groton, 
too manifestly sympathized with the enthusiasts. The wise 
and unyielding Mr. Adams was stigmatized by the popular 
frenzy as " a dumb dog that would not bark." 

Mr. Adams, according to the custom of that day, had a 
number of house servants, born in his family and held in 
bondage. We may suppose, from his character, that he was 
a gentle and discreet master. The precision with which he 
chronicles the death of one of these servants in his note- 
book gives evidence of kindness and respect. 

" 1729. Sept. 17. York died about five of the clock in 
y\morning, — aged above 70 years." 

In 1738, his house servants, i\\e in number, — Ishmael, 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Adams. 4 1 

James, Ziba, Sylvanus, Phyllis, — he caused to be publicly 
baptized, and engaged for their Christian education. 

We come now to speak of his children. He says himself 
concerning them, — 

" The Lord hath given us 6 children, two whereof dying 
young, the others survive to this day, and by God's blessing 
on the education that we were able to give them, we have 
no reason to be ashamed of any one of them. They have 
been no grief of heart to us." 

The death of Mrs. Bulkley, his only daughter, has already 
been noticed ; but this interesting lady merits a more ex- 
tended narrative. Her father says of her, that she was dear 
to every one wherever she lived ; that she had so much 
sympathy as to make every afflicted person's case her own ; 
that from a child she knew the Holy Scriptures, and grew 
up, as he thought, in favor both with God and man. On 
the 13th of Nov., 1733, she was united to Dr. Jonathan 
Gardiner, son of John Gardiner, Esq., of the Isle of Wight 
(now Gardiner's Island). This young man had been well 
educated, was possessed of a good exterior, and promising 
talents for business. He embarked in life both as physician 
and merchant. It was the fashion, or perhaps the necessity, 
of the times, to pursue various occupations at once. It may 
be doubted whether a man, at that time, could have well 
supported a family in New London by the practice of medi- 
cine alone. 

Dr. Gardiner built a house in Bradley Street, which is still 
extant. It was then one of the most spacious in town, and 
thither he removed his young wife. About the same period 
he built a trading vessel, which, when completed, he fitted 
out with a valuable cargo, and sailed himself on the voyage 
to dispose of the adventure. Neither vessel nor cargo, 
owner or crew, were ever heard from afterwards. The 
ocean swallowed all. 

This disaster was in the year 1 735. Before leaving home, 
Dr. Gardiner made his will; it is dated in Jan., 1734-5. It 
was not exhibited for probate till three years afterwards. 
As soon, however, as the loss of the vessel was matter of 
fear and surmise, creditors in Boston, and others nearer 
home, who had advanced money and goods to Dr. Gardi- 
ner, became earnest for pay men*. Attachments, bills, and 



42 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Adams. 

executions came on thick and fast ; demands were thrust in 
at the door-sill by night ; so that the young wife took refuge, 
with her infant son, in the home of her youth, leaving the 
new house and all it contained to the creditors. 

John, son of Jonathan and Mary Gardiner, was born 
7 Oct., 1734. Mrs. Mary Gardiner was married 29 Oct., 
1738, to John Bulkley, Esq., of Colchester, Conn. This 
gentleman was son of the Rev. John Bulkley, first minister 
of Colchester, and grandson of the Rev. Gershom Bulkley, 
minister, first, of New London, and second, of Wethersfield, 
Conn. He had graduated at Yale College in 1736, and 
soon acquired a high reputation for learning, integrity, and 
legal knowledge. At a very early age he was appointed a 
Judge of the Superior Court of Connecticut. Hon. Col. 
John Bulkley died 21 July, 1753, aged about 49 years. 

Children of John and Mary Bulkley : — 

Lydia, baptized 28 Oct., 1739. 
Mary, born 23 May, 1741. 
Eliphalet, baptized 10 Aug., 1746. 
Lucy, " 27 Aug., 1749. 

These survived their mother and lived to maturity. Others 
they had who died in infancy : for Mr. Adams, enumerating 
the trials of his daughter, mentions "loss of children." 

Mrs. Bulkley occupies the pleasing position of ancestress 
to John J. C. Brainerd, a man of taste and genius, the gifted 
poet of New London, and hitherto the only one which the 
town has produced. 

John Gardiner, the child of Mrs. Bulkley's first marriage, 
settled in New London and married Sarah, daughter of Ed- 
ward Palmes. He died a young man, but left three daugh- 
ters. The eldest, Sarah, was married, 10th of Dec, 1783, 
to Jeremiah Gates Brainerd, Esq., afterwards Judge of the 
Superior Court. Of this union the poet Brainerd was the 
fourth and youngest child. He was born 21 Oct., 1796, 
and died, unmarried, 26 Sept., 1828. Those "grave and 
reverend seigniors," William and Eliphalet Adams, are 
graced and honored by the appearance of this star in the 
line of their posterity. Brainerd was a man of original intel- 
lect, playful, humorous, full of fancy and sensibility, and, 
better than all, a sincere Christian. On the head-stone of 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 43 

his grave, at New London, shines that passage, so full of 
rich promise, — " Thy brother shall rise again." (John 
xi. 23.) 

Lydia, daughter of John and Mary Bulkley, intermarried 
in 1761 with Robert Latimer. In this line it is supposed 
that no posterity remains. Capt. Latimer, a few years after 
his marriage, was accidentally knocked overboard at sea and 
drowned. Mrs. Lydia Latimer died in 1782. 

Mary, second daughter of John and Mary Bulkley, mar- 
ried George B. Hurlbut. They had no children. 

Lucy, third daughter and youngest child of John and 
Mary Bulkley, married Capt. John Lamb, of Groton, Conn. 
This couple left but one child, viz., Col. Henry T. Lamb, 
late of Wilkesbarre, Penn., who married one of the daugh- 
ters of his uncle, Eliphalet Bulkley, and has left children. 

Eliphalet, only son of John and Mary Bulkley, married 
Anna, daughter of Major Charles Bulkley, brother of his 
father. They had ten children, all born in Colchester ; but 
the family afterwards removed to Wilkesbarre, where the 
parents died. Most of their descendants remain in Wilkes- 
barre. 

Having thus mapped out the branches which descend 
from the Rev. Eliphalet Adams, through his only daughter 
Mary, let us turn to his sons. 

William, the eldest, was sent to Yale College in 1726. 
Bibliothecal curiosity may be gratified by a memorandum, 
made by his father at the time. 

Ace 1 of Books y l William Adams put up to carry to College, 

Nov 5. 1726. 

Elisha Coles Dictionary, Catechisms, and Confessio 
A Latin Grammar, Fidei, 

A Greek " Latin Bible, 

Tully's Offices, Septuagint, 

" Orations, Florilegium Phrasewn, 

Virgil's Works, Phraseologia Anglolatina, 

Horace, Pasor's Lexicon, 

English Virgil, Lucius Florus, 

Greek Testament, An English Bible, 

Latin " A Call to Backsliders, 



44 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

English Exercises, The Strong Helper, 

Ovid de Tristibus, The Everlasting Gospel, 

O^Werius' Colloquies, The life of Mr. Edmund 
Terence, French, 

Ramus, The Songs of the Redeemed, 

Mr. Willard's Penitent Prod- Nomenclator, Singing Book, 

igal, Cateebism, 

An English Dictionary, Some of his father's Sermons. 

Observations on the Present 

State of Turkey, 



Oct 23. 1727. He carryed the following books: — 

Locke of the Human Understanding, 
Hebrew Bible, with Greek Testament at the end, 
Hebrew Grammar, 
Amesii Medulla Theologiae, 
Burgersdicii Logica, 
Buxtorf 's Lexicon, 
Clark's Formulae, 

Allin's Alarm, m* 

Mr. Coleman of Mirth, ' '* 

Mr. Williams' Redeemed Captive, 
Flemming's Rod or Sword, 
Mr. Penhallow's Hist : of y e Indian War, 
Mr. Flavel's Divine Conduct, or Mystery of Providence. 
Kennet's Roman Antiquities, 
Gordon's Geographical Grammar, 
Hist, of y e House of Orange. 
Pope's Homer, Vol 2. 
Homer's Iliad, 
Dugard's Rhetorick, 
Locke of Education, 
Grotius, De jure Belli et Pacis, t0\ 
Sanderson, De Conscientia, * * 

" De juramento, 

William Adams graduated in 1730, and was Tutor in 
Yale College from 1732 to 1734. He was, after this, a 
preacher of the Gospel for more than sixty years. Consid- 
ering the length of his life, and the sphere in which his 



Memoir of the Rev, Eliphalet Adams, 45 

duties were performed, it is strange that we should fcnow so 
little of him, and that so few memorials remain of his mind 
and history. In the pulpit he never equalled his father; 
he was nevertheless a respectable preacher and an upright 
man. He never married, and was never ordained, — often 
declaring that he would not be encumbered with wife or 
parish. During a W&g life, he stood true to his purpose. 
He preached first in the North Parish of New London, £hd 
next in North Groton. At the latter place, a call, entirely 
unanimous, invited him to settle ; but he declined. Had 
he been as cordially invited to become the successor of his 
father, perhaps he might have wavered ; but the opportunity 
was not offered. After filling the vacant pulpit, as a tem- 
porary substitute, for nearly three years, the proposition to 
invite him to settle was negatived, 45 to 42. Perhaps the 
largest moiety of his ministerial labors was given to Shelter 
Island. He preached there at intervals for thirty years or 
more, and was probably the first minister that dwelt upon 
that island. He was at first an inmate of the family of 
Brinley Sylvester, Esq., the principal proprietor of the island ; 
and after the deHth of.Jjiis, patron, in 1752, he resided with 
Col. Thomas Deering, the son-in-law of Mr. Sylvester. He 
was in this family at the time of Whitefield's visit to Shelter 
Island, in 1764.* 



After a vacancy of some years, the mantle of the Rev. 
Eliphalet Adams fell upon Mather Byles, Jun., a brilliant 
young clergyman from Boston, to whose shoulders the ven- 
erable garment soon became an insupportable burden. At 
the end of ten years, he cleared himself from it with very 
little ceremony, and returned to Boston, declaring himself a 
convert to Episcopacy. 

An interim of eighteen months was followed by the ordi- 
nation of the Re'f.Tlphraim Woodbridge to the pastoral office 
in the vacant parish, — a man much beloved, but on whom 
consumption early stamped its seal. In less than 7 years 
he was followed to the tomb by a sorrowing congregation. 
An interval of eleven years succeeded (from 1766 to 1778), 
in which the Congregational Church had no settled minister. 

* Prime's Long Island, p. 1G3. 

4th s. — vol. r. 6 



46 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalet Mams. 

During all these vacancies, the Rev. William Adams was at 
hand, ready to stand in the breach, and supply the provi- 
dential deficiency. Many times, especially in the tumult- 
uous days of the Revolutionary war, would the flock have 
been scattered to the four winds of heaven, had not this 
amiable shepherd stepped forth with his crook and called 
them back to the fold. 

The latter years of the life of Mr. Adams were all spent ir 
New London, where he resided with his excellent sister-in- 
law, the relict of his brother Pygan. Some persons now 
living remember him well. He was short and stout ; wore e 
white wig and a cocked hat ; and when walking about the 
town, was usually arrayed in a black study-gown, confined bj 
a belt. Fond of social enjoyment and domestic repose, he 
would often^rop in to take tea with some staid matron, and 
before he leTTYhe table, would (with permission) stow away ir 
the bosom of his mantle slices of cake for future recreation. 

Still, he never forgot that he was a minister. Offence* 
shunned his presence ; whatever was forbidden in Scripture 
was sure of his rebuke. He delighted to ramble into the 
country, and often made viuip^mong the farmers belonging 
to the parish. These visits - * were perhaps most frequen 
during the season of trout, for he was fond of angling. Bu 
he never left a house without prayer and exhortation, anc 
would have all the children of the family called up anc 
placed before him in the order of their ages. He then lec- 
tured them upon their duties, asked some questions froir 
the Westminster Catechism, and sternly reproved what he 
had seen or heard amis^in- them. The Rev. William Ad- 
ams died 25 Sept., 1798, in the 88th year of his age. It u 
not known that he left either -property, or books, or manu- 
scripts of any kind. One sermon was published by him 
It bears this title : — 

"Discourse delivered Ocl: 23. 1760,. on the Thanksgiv- 
ing for the Success of the^Bptish arms in the reduction o 
Montreal, and the Conquest of all Canada. By Williarc 
Adams M. A. New London. Printed by T. Green." 

Of Doctor Thomas Adams, third and youngest son of the 
Rev. Eliphalet, the following slender information is all thai 
has been obtained. He graduated, at Yale College, 1737, 
chose the practice of medicine for his profession, and died 
without issue, 1758. 



Memoir of the Rev. Eliphalel Adams. 47 

Pygan, second son of the Rev. Eliphalet Adams, married, 
7 June, 1744, Anne, daughter of John Richards, Esq. In 
this union there was a greater disparity of years than was 
common at that period ; he being just her age in advance of 
his bride, that is, sixteen and a half years. 

Their children were, — 

1. William, . . . born 20 Nov., 1747. 

2. Alexander Pygan, « 6 Sept., 1747. 

3. Anne, .... " 30 April, 1749. 

4. Lydia, .... born and died 1751. 

5. Elizabeth, . . . born 21 Dec, 1752. 

6. Lydia, .... " 19 July, 1757. 

7. Thomas, ..." 5 Jan., 1761. 

Mr. Pygan Adams, though a goldsmith by trade, entered 
very early into the mercantile line, and was active in it, 
making many voyages to the West Indies, as -owner and 
factor of valuable cargoes of country produce. He amassed 
a considerable estate, which was, however, mostly dissipated 
in that era of commercial stagnation which preceded the 
Revolution. 

He died in July, 1Z76, aged 64. Hi^wife survived him 
thirty-five years. She died 8^fanuary, 18ul": born 18 Sept., 
1728. The three sons of this worthy couple died afar from 
home and unmarried. Like their father, they early engaged 
in commercial pursuits, and in the course of business often 
visited those tropical climes, to which New England has sent 
so many of her sons for victims. 

William died at St. Pierre, Martinique, 4 April, 1778, 
aged 33 years. Alexander P. was lost at sea in 1782, aged 
35. Thomas died on the island of St. Martin's, 8 Sept., 
1815, aged 54: he was the, last male descendant in the 
male line of the family. 

Thus we see that the line of William Adams (emigrating 
to this country probably before 163jjgMltfMB£tling at ^P s " 
wich), as continued through hjs son, William of Ipswich, and 
grandson, William of Dedham, after giving to the country 
for three successive generations a minister of sterling worth, 
becomes extinct in the male* Branch in the sixth generation 
(inclusive of the first emigrant), and the name is lost, on the 
death of Thomas Adams, 8 Sept., 18J5. 

The three daughters of Pygan Adams, Esq., are now all 



48 Memoir of the Rev. Eliphakt Mams. 

that are left for this Memoir to trace. Each lived to a great 
age. 

Anne, the oldest daughter, was married, 5 May, 1768, to 
John Champlin. Fourteen children were the issue of this 
marriage. Mr. Champlin removed with his family to Balti- 
more, where he died, 17 June, 1800, aged 54. 

Anne, his relict, died in Baltimore, 6 April, 1838, aged 
89. Two daughters of this family are still living in Balti- 
more. Of the whole 14 children, only two have descend- 
ants, viz. : — 

William A. Champlin, who died in Charleston, S. C, 
leaving one daughter ; and John Champlin, who left two 
daughters, since married, the one to John C. Pitt, of Laurel, 
Indiana ; the other to Lewis B. Tupper, of Cincinnati. 

Elizabeth, second surviving daughter of Pygan Adams, 
Esq., was married, 19 Oct., 1775, to Thomas Pool, son of 
John and Sarah Pool, of Raritan, N. J. Their children 
were, — 

1. William-Adams, born 7 May, 1777; died 22 Sept., 
1795, in the 19th year of his age. 

2. Sally-Field, born 22 Feb. 1780: and two others, who 
died in infancy. 

Sally F., the only surviving child, w r as married, 4 Jan., 
1798, to Samuel Green, Esq., editor of the New London 
Gazette. She died 10 Mar., 1801, leaving an only son, 
who lived to maturity, but died 30 Nov., 1825, unmarried. 

By these repeated bereavements, the posterity of Thomas 
and Elizabeth Pool, of two generations, became extinct, 
while they themselves were living. 

Thomas Pool, Esq., died 26 Jan., 1828, aged 75.. Mrs. 
Pool long survived her husband and descendants. She 
was a woman of cultivated taste, refined intellect, and un- 
common vivacity. Her manners also were winning and 
affectionate. In conversation she was choice, fluent, and 
elegant. Moreover, she was a devoted Christian, full of 
benevolent feeling. The character of her venerated grand- 
sire, in a softened form, was resuscitated in her. 

She died 21 Oct., 1845, in the 93d year of her age. 
Her tomb-stone wears this precious signet : — 

" 'He giveth his beloved sleep.' Ps. 127. 2." 

Lydia, youngest daughter of Pygan Adams, Esq., mar- 
ried, 17 Sept., 1779, Robert Hallam. 



JYotes to the Mams Memoir. 49 

Robert Hallam, Esq., died 18 Feb., 1835, aged 78. 

Lydia, his relict, died 29 Oct., 1845, aged 88. 

The only surviving descendant of this pair is the Rev. 
Robert A. Hallam, Rector of St. James's Church, New 
London. 

By a reference to the dates, it will be seen that Mrs. 
Pool and Mrs. Hallam died within a few days of each other. 
During the latter years of their prolonged existence, these 
venerable sisters dwelt together. To this venerated shrine 
the young went, as on a pilgrimage, to learn the history of 
the past, or to gain treasures of wisdom from the rich stores 
of experience. They attained respectively their 93d and 
88th year, and then departed in the order of seniority. Mrs. 
Hallam lingered to hear the funeral service breathed over 
the coffin of her beloved companion, and then, without any 
added symptoms of disease, quietly yielded to the stroke of 
death. 



NOTES TO THE ADAMS MEMOIR. 

Since the foregoing sheets were struck off, some inaccuracies have 
been discovered, and additional information on a few points obtained. 

Page 26. The date given to the marriage of Rev. Nathaniel Collins 
(19 Feb., 1701) is probably a mistake : Enfield records say, "January, 
170^," without mentioning the day. 

Page 26. Ninth line from the bottom of the page. 

Further information concerning Abiel, youngest daughter of Rev. 
William Adams. A communication from Rev. Dr. Lamson to the 
author states, that, according to a MS. genealogy in the possession of Mr. 
Joseph Metcalf of Dedham, Abiel Adams married Rev. Joseph Metcalf 
of Falmouth, Barnstable Co., Mass. ; graduate of H. C. in 1705 ; died 
1723. Their children, according to the same authority, consisted of 
eleven daughters, most of whom "married and had families. Several of 
them settled in the towns of Lebanon and East Haddam in Connecticut. 
We may add, that tradition in these branches of the family speaks of 
nine sisters only. Perhaps the whole number was eleven, and but nine 
lived to maturity. The history of this bevy of daughters, some half- 
dozen of whom are said to have emigrated from Falmouth to Connecticut 
on pillions, behind husbands, cousins, and brothers-in-law, has not been 
traced with sufficient accuracy to enable us at pres3nt to give names and 
dates. It may be remarked, however, that the posterity of Mr. Adams, 



50 Notes to the Adams Memoir. 

though extinct as far as regards the name, promises an indefinite exten- 
sion in the female line. 

Page 31. The conclusions drawn on this page concerning the family 
connections of Mrs. Pygan have since been confirmed by positive records 
found on one of the town books at Saybrook. The author had supposed 
such a registry would have been made on an older book, which was said 
to have perished. 

[From Saybrook Records.] 

" William Beaman m. Lidia Danford Dec : 9. 1643. Children, Lidia 
b. March 9. 1644. Mary Nov. 12. 1647. Elizabeth March 2. 1649. 
Deborah, Nov. 29. 1752.(?) Rebecca Sept. 7. 1759.(?) 

" Lidia, w. of Wm. Beaman died Aug. 16. 1686. 

« Wm. Beaman died Feb. 4. 1698-9. 

" Samuel Boyes m. Lidia Bemond Feb: 3. 1667." 

Page 33. Last paragraph : instead of 1723, the date should be 1724. 
An additional reason to that mentioned in the text for the refusal of Mr. 
Adams to assume the rectorship of the College, and perhaps the one of 
most weight, was the reluctance of his people to part with him. A 
MS. Diary kept at that period by a citizen of New London, which the 
author had not seen when the Memoir was written, has the following 
entries : — 

" New London, April 15, 1724. A public or general fast. Mr. 
Woodbridge of Hartford preached, who is come here with Mr. Russell 
of Branford to get Mr. Adams to go and be President of Yale College." 

" April 16. We had a town meeting to consider if we are willing to 
part with Mr. Adams : — it is negatived.'''' 

Page 37. Twelfth line from the top. The date given refers to the 
erection of the Episcopal Church. The Society was organized June 6, 
1725. 

Page 39. A few passages from the Diary above quoted, which relate 
to the second marriage and death of Mr. Adams, may not be entirely out 
of place here. It may possibly lead to the discovery of the name of 
Mrs. Adams. 

" 1750, Oct. 6. Mr. Adams came home from Boston last night with 
his new wife." 

Under date of Oct. 4, 1753, the journalist mentions the death of Mr. 
Adams, and observes : — 

" His sister Niles happened to be here on her yearly visit. He died 
easily, slowly, and willingly ; had his reason, but his speech failed for a 
day or two at last. He was a gentleman of a quiet and peaceable dispo- 
sition, — as well read in history as in divinity." 

" Oct. 5. Mr. Adams was buried. Mr. Griswold and Mr. Johnson of 
Lyme [Congregational ministers] were both here, and they together with 
Col. Saltonstall, Mr. Graves, the Episcopal minister, Deacon Green, and 
myself (Joshua Hempsted, Esq.), were pall-bearers." 

" Dec. 6. I went to take leave of Mrs. Adams, who is going back to 
Boston." 



Notes to the Adams Memoir. 51 

Page 43. Fifth line from the top. It is a mistake that Robert and 
Lydia Latimer have no descendants remaining. The statement should 
have been: — In this line no male posterity, bearing the name of Latimer, 
remains. They had one only child, Robert, born in 1762, who in early 
life adopted the profession of his father, and like him found a grave in 
the ocean. He had married in 1784 Hannah Sage of Middletown, from 
which port he sailed, and died at sea, in 1797, leaving four children, 
viz. : — 

1. Harriet B., married in 1808 to Milo Cook of Middlebury, Vt. 

2. Maria S., married Rev. Joshua Bates, D. D., formerly President of 
Middlebury Coll., since pastor of a church in Dudley, Mass. 

3. Michael B., who died unmarried in Charleston, S. C, 1819. 

4. Eliza S., married Robert P. Patten, Professor of Greek in the Uni- 
versity of New York. 

♦ 
Page 46. Last paragraph. The author has ascertained some further 
particulars respecting Dr. Thomas Adams. He studied medicine with his 
brother-in-law, Col. Bulkley of Colchester, and settled as a physician in 
East Haddam, where he married a daughter of Rev. Stephen Hosmer. 
They had four children, but in a short period three of them, with their 
mother, dropped one after the other into the grave. Dr. Adams married 
a second time, but was soon afterwards cut off by a sudden illness, 7 Sept. 
1753 [not 1758 as in the text]. This was less than a month before the 
death of his father. His only surviving child, Samuel, was brought to 
New London, and tenderly cherished by his kindred. Yet no care could 
save him ; — he languished and died a few months after his father, 15 
May, 1754, aged 8 years. 



ERRATUM OF THE PRESS. 

Page 39. For " boy named Peley," read Peleg. 



[On consulting the Records of Marriages in the Town of Boston, 
" from 1741 to 1751 inclusive," it has been found, that " Rev' 1 . Eliphalet 
Adams of New London and Elizabeth Wass of Boston [were] married 
by the Rev d . Mather Byles 21 Sept. 1751." It is not improbable, per- 
haps, that a clerical error may exist in the date of the year, since the 
Record appears to be collected from a period of twelve years. — Publ. 
Com.] 



COLLECTIONS 

CONCERNING THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE FOUNDERS 
OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

By JOSEPH HUNTER, 

A FELLOW OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON, AND AN ASSISTANT KEEPER OF 
THE PUBLIC RECORDS OF ENGLAND. 



Dr. Alexander Young, your Corresponding Secretary, 
flatters me by saying that it would be gratifying to the 
members of the Massachusetts Historical Society to be able 
to incorporate in their volumes of Collections the substance 
of a Tract of which I printed a small number of copies in 
the year 1849; though the Tract itself, I have reason to 
know, is already in the hands of many members of the 
Society. He is pleased to say that it will be a suitable 
accompaniment to a former communication, in which I have 
endeavored to trace to their English homes several of the 
Suffolk emigrants of 1630. I will therefore, without fur- 
ther preface, act upon his suggestion. 

It must be obvious that no one can enter upon such an 
inquiry as this, without owing perpetual obligations to the 
collection of the writings of Governor Bradford made by 
Dr. Young, and in some cases to other tracts printed in the 
same volume,* but in all cases to the Notes, the fruit of so 
much original research, with which the publication is en- 
riched. 



* Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, from 1602 to 1625, 
now first collected from Original Records and contemporaneous Printed Documents, 
and illustrated with Notes. By Alexander Young. Second Edition. Boston: 
Little & Brown. 1844. 8vo. pp. 502. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 53 

I need not say that the first settlers of the Colony of 
New Plymouth were persons who composed a Congrega- 
tional or Independent Church, which had been originally 
formed in England, but which was for some years at Am- 
sterdam and Leyden, in Holland, before the determination 
was formed to remove themselves to the then desolate 
shores of New England. Nor need I dilate upon the im- 
portant consequences which have ensued upon that deter- 
mination, — consequences which mark it as an important 
event in the history of the migration of nations, and ren- 
der the persons who were concerned in carrying out the 
determination worthy subjects of historical curiosity. 

In endeavoring to arrive at some more exact informa- 
tion concerning them than was to be found in what had 
before been published, my first object was to ascertain, 
with more precision, the district in England from the in- 
habitants of which the people were collected who formed 
this Church ; and, secondly, the precise place at which 
they were at first accustomed to assemble for discipline 
and worship. Hitherto this had been left in the same state 
of uncertainty in which Governor Bradford had placed it ; 
or had even been made more uncertain, later writers hav- 
ing been content with saying that the people of whom they 
spoke lived " in the North of England." This expression 
would be understood here as pointing to some site far to 
the northward of the place we now know to have been the 
actual place of the Church's assemblies. But Bradford has 
not left the question in quite so indeterminate a state ; for 
he tells us that the people who formed the Church were per- 
sons who lived " near the joining borders of Nottingham- 
shire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire." This expression, 
however, leaves the mind at liberty to range over a con- 
siderable extent of country, as may be seen by referring to 
any of the maps of that part of England ; and it was not 
till I found another condition of place in another of the 
writings of Bradford, and then brought some slight historical 
and topographical knowledge to bear on the question, that 
I ascertained, as I conceive beyond all possibility of doubt, 
the actual village in which the Church at its beginning 
held its meetings, and the very house in which it assem- 
bled. 

4th s. — vol. i. 7 



54 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

This important passage, from which may be said to flow 
whatever of new information may be found in the Tract, 
occurs in Governor Bradford's slight but most interesting 
sketch of the Life of Elder Brewster. " They [the 
Church] ordinarily met at his house on the Lord's day, 
which was a manor of the Bishop's, and with great love he 
entertained them when they came, making provision for 
them to his great charge, and continued so to do while 
they could stay in England."* Now though "near the 
joining borders of three counties " is a vague expression, a 
bishop's manor-house or mansion is not at all so. Such a 
building is a something fixed, notorious, and remarkable, 
and is moreover rare in any district ; and I, who have some 
acquaintance with the whole of the country which can be 
said to be near the joining borders of Nottinghamshire, 
Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire, can affirm with confidence 
that there was no episcopal or archiepiscopal manor in 
that part of England, except one, which in Brewster's 
time had appertained to the Archbishop of York ; and that 
this one was at the ancient village of Scrooby, which 

will be found in the maps in the 
part of Nottinghamshire known as 
the Hundred of Bassetlaw, about a 
mile and a half south of a little mar- 
ket-town called Bawtry, which is sit- 
uated on the line of the boundary of 
the two counties of Nottingham and 
York, and only a very short distance 
from the verge of Lincolnshire. 
I anticipate no possibility that this can ever be disputed, 
even on the ground of authority, on which I have now 
placed it. But we shall find, as we proceed, Brewster de- 
scribed in a contemporary document as living at Scrooby. 
We shall find, also, Bradford living at the neighboring vil- 
lage of Austerfield, not Awsterfield, as by a most unfortu- 
nate misprint in Dr. Cotton Mather's Magnolia the place 
of his birth is called ; which Austerfield is a Yorkshire vil- 
lage, about as far to the north of Bawtry as Scrooby is to 
the south. But I must, to preclude cavil, remark thus early, 




Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 465. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 55 

that, when Bradford says that Brewster lived in a manor of 
the Bishop's, he does not use the word manor in what is 
its ordinary sense, a district throughout which certain feu- 
dal privileges are enjoyed, but in a sense not at all uncom- 
mon, as denoting a large mansion-house. In the same 
Hundred of Bassetlaw was Worksop-manor, and a little 
farther distant were Winneld-manor, Sheffield-manor, Brier- 
ly-manor, Helaugh-manor, not districts, but houses, seats of 
the noble families of Talbot, Stanley, and Wharton. A 
person living in the house at Scrooby in the reign of Eliz- 
abeth, describes himself in his will as of " Scrooby-manor, 
Esquire." 

Scrooby is now but an obscure agricultural village, with 
no object of interest beside the church, and the interest 
which will now attach to the very small remains which 
may still be traced of the house in which the fathers of 
North American civilization were wont to hold their ear- 
liest assemblies. But it was a very different place in early 
times. It seems to have been a possession of the see of 
York from the Conquest, and probably from before the 
Conquest. It lay near the road from York to London, and 
was on that account a convenient resting-place for the 
archbishops in their journeys. It lay near the Chace of 
Hatfield, which afforded unrivalled opportunities for the 
enjoyment of the sport of hunting, the favorite amuse- 
ment of the great ecclesiastics of the Middle Ages. God- 
win informs us that Archbishop Savage, who lived in the 
reign of Henry the Seventh, made Scrooby his frequent 
residence for that particular reason.* It was for many 
weeks the residence of Cardinal Wolsey, when he was sent 
by the King, in his displeasure, to his northern diocese, and 
Cavendish has given a very interesting description of the 
manner in which the fallen minister passed his time at this 
place.f It was the rendezvous of the Earl of Shrewsbury 
and his contingent when he joined the army of the King 
assembled to oppose the Pilgrimage of Grace. King Henry 
the Eighth slept here one night in his northern progress in 
1541 ; and in the same year it was visited by Leland, who 



De Prgesulibus, Vol. II p. 71 
Life of Wolsey, Singer's edi 



t Life of Wolsey, Singer's edition, 8vo, 182o, Vol. I. p. 260. 



56 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

gives this description of the manor, which may be taken as 
being descriptive of it as it appeared in Brewster's time, 
fifty or sixty years later. " In the mean townlet of Scrooby 
I marked two things : the parish-church, not big, but very 
well builded ; the second was a great manor-place, stand- 
ing within a moat, and longing to the Archbishop of York ; 
builded in two courts ; whereof the first is very ample and 
all builded of timber, saving the front of the house, that is 
of brick ; to the which ascenditur per gradus lapideos. 
The inner court building, as far as I marked, was of tim- 
ber-building, and was not in compass past the fourth part 
of the utter court." * 

In the reign of Queen Elizabeth there came an Arch- 
bishop who made great changes at Scrooby. The name 
of Sir Edwin Sandys is intimately and honorably con- 
nected with that of Brewster, and with the history of the 
removal of him and the first portion of his church from 
Holland to New England. It was the father of that Sir 
Edwin Sandys, the Archbishop of York of that name, who 
produced this great change. He alienated Scrooby, both 
the lands and the episcopal manor which stood upon them, 
from the see, and settled them on one of his own sons ; 
not Sir Edwin, but another son, whose name was Samuel, 
and who was also a knight, like his brother. Sandys lies 
under a scandal, from which his memory can hardly be re- 
lieved, of having impoverished the sees of Worcester and 
York to enrich a numerous family of sons. In fact, he cre- 
ated a rich and powerful family, one branch of which was 
ennobled.f His conduct in respect of Scrooby, as it ap- 
pears in the few evidences we have concerning it, seems 
especially to require explanation ; for we find him excusing 
himself to the Queen, who had expressed a wish to have it 
leased to her, on the ground of the injury which such a 
grant would be to his see, J and yet, in a very short time 
after, granting a lease to one of his own sons, at a rent of 
£ 65 6s. 8d. This lease was executed some time before 
May, 1586, and in 1588 the Archbishop died. 

" Itinerary, Vol. I. p. 36. 

t See on this Lans. MS. at the British Museum, Vol. L. Art. 34, where Lord 
Burghley has in his own hand summed up the grants made by the Archbishop to his 
six sons. 

X See Le Neve's Lives of the Protestant Archbishops, 8vo, 1720, p. 61. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 57 

From this time Scrooby was virtually a private possession 
of Sir Samuel Sandys and his posterity ; and the manor 
was sometimes inhabited by them, and sometimes in the 
hands of tenants. Brewster was one of its tenants, and 
this tenancy seems to be the link which originally con- 
nected the Brewsters and the Sandyses. The heiress of 
this branch of the family of Sandys married in 1707 John 
Stapylton, the only son of Sir Bryan Stapylton, Baronet. 
It has since passed by purchase into other families. 

In the church may still be seen some memorials of the 
ancient state of Scrooby, in the sculptured stones which 
cover remains of the old officers of the archbishops, and in 
one of the favorite Christian emblems of early times, a 
vine bearing clusters of grapes, traced in sculpture along 
the walls. 

Such then is the place at which Brewster resided when 
he drew around him the persons who formed his Congre- 
gational, Independent, or Separatist Church, who accom- 
panied him when he left England, and many of whom 
shared with him in the perils and difficulties of founding a 
colony in the wilds. 

It follows, as a necessary consequence, that it is to the 
country around Scrooby that we are to look as the English 
home of the people who settled the first colony on the shores 
of New England. 

It will not be expected from me, nor is it at all neces- 
sary, that I should enlarge on the peculiar nature and prin- 
ciples of Brewster's Church. Suffice it to say, that, with 
the deep and earnest piety and the supreme reverence for 
Scripture which distinguished the Puritan section of the 
members of the Reformed Church of England, there be- 
came riveted in the minds of some persons a persuasion 
that there was still retained in that Church so much of the 
Roman corruption, both in its constitution, its ceremonies, 
and its forms of worship, as to make it the duty of the real 
Scripture professor to withdraw himself from the Church, 
to protest against the existence of any Church resting on 
public authority, and to form themselves in small, separate 
communities, which they called churches, when mutual 
pledges had been given, and when the officers of Pastor, 
Teacher, Elders, and Deacons were appointed, the only 



58 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

officers, as they contended, recognized in Scripture. Puri- 
tanism led to Separatism. This was perceived by the per- 
sons in whom the authority of the time was vested, and 
they did in the first instance what they could to discourage 
Puritanism ; but they set themselves utterly to prevent or 
to eradicate Separatism. Puritanism prevailed to a great 
extent in the latter years of Elizabeth and in the reign of 
James the First ; but not so Separatism. And it becomes 
a point of no small interest, to consider how it happened, 
that, in such a population as that which surrounded the vil- 
lage of Scrooby, there should be found so- many persons 
who became not only Puritans, but Separatists, who were 
willing to endure the evils at home to which the open pro- 
fession of it exposed them, and who endured the greater 
evil of removing themselves and their families to distant 
countries, for the sole purpose of exercising their worship 
in peace. It is, I say, a sight no less singular than it is 
affecting, to see a simple-minded agricultural people, living 
in a level and pastoral country, neither inhabitants of a 
mountainous region, the usual seat of the higher manifes- 
tations of religious peculiarities, nor brought together in 
masses, as in the manufacturing districts, acting with so 
much determination, and with little countenance from any 
examples of the same spirit and course of action in people 
around them. It was not till the Civil Wars had broken 
down the power of the English hierarchy that many Sep- 
arate Churches were formed in any part of the kingdom. 
In the country north of the Trent, I know of no other 
such church contemporary with Brewster's, except the 
church gathered by Smith in the neighboring town of 
Gainsborough, which may be regarded but as an effect of 
the same feeling manifested among the same people. 

It is,, on the whole, probable that the existence of this 
spirit in this region is to be traced to nothing more extra- 
ordinary, than the accidental residence there of a few per- 
sons whose minds were much turned towards religious 
inquiry, and whose inquiries issued in this extreme form of 
Protestant profession. These men influenced others, who 
were not so well prepared for inquiry, and who were 
wrought upon by the zeal and earnestness, and, we may 
believe, the real virtue and piety of the few better in- 



Early History of Ike Founders of New Plymouth. 59 

structed than themselves. Possibly, also, the number of 
religious houses in that part of the kingdom — for Basset- 
law had been quite surrounded with them — might leave a 
tincture of piety deeper than in places not so circum- 
stanced, half a century after their venerable heads had 
been brought to the dust. Three families of the better 
class of gentry in Bassetlaw remained steadfast to the old 
profession, — though the evils attending this were greater 
than those to which the Puritans and even the Separatists 
were subjected, — the Markhams, Molineuxes, and Mortons. 
The last-named family resided close to the town of Bawtry. 
To these are probably to be added some portions of the 
families of Clifton and Cressi. 

To the persons who influenced the rest our attention 
must now be directed. 

Governor Bradford has favored us with the names of 
two ministers, by whom he says people were greatly im- 
pressed, and who were both Puritans, and in the course of 
time became Separatists.* These were John Smith and 
Richard Clifton, the venerable old man with the long 
white beard. Bradford seldom descends to much particu- 
larity. Whatever he writes concerning these affairs is val- 
uable, for it is almost the only original historical authority 
we possess, and written quite in an honest spirit ; but we 
are everywhere left with an avidity to know more than he 
has told us, and many things with which his memory would 
easily have supplied him. He does not even inform us 
where, specifically, either Smith or Clifton lived, that is, 
which were the places whence the influence of their preach- 
ing and example radiated through the country around 
them. This, however, may be now supplied. Indeed, it 
has been long known, and long published to the world, that 
Smith was the pastor of a church at Gainsborough ; but it 
seems still undetermined whether he was actually the 
vicar of that parish, or only a curate, or some other clergy- 
man whom accident had brought to be a resident in that 
town. If we need a contemporary proof that Smith was 
of Gainsborough, his own published writings supply us 
with one, for in his book entitled Parallels, Censures, and 

* See Young's Chronicle^, pp. 450, 453. 



60 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

Observations, printed in 1605, he calls himself " pastor of 
the church at Gainsborough." Many particulars of his 
life have been collected by Crosby, Brook, and Hanbury, 
but they relate almost entirely to the portion of his life 
which was passed in Holland, whither he went with the 
Separatist church which he had gathered at Gainsborough, 
some years before Brewster's church took the same step. 
What these authors have told us forms a suitable comment 
on the few words respecting him which Bradford has given 
us. On the whole, he does not appear to have been in any 
high esteem with Bradford, or, we may conclude, with 
Brewster and his church. To those who think that the 
spirit of the Gospel is, after its purity, " then peaceable, 
then gentle," the writings which Smith has left behind him 
show that he had not entered into its true spirit. He was 
evidently a turbulent and violent man, and the way in 
which he attacks those who went with him in his Puritan- 
ism, but did not advance with him to his Separation, forms 
some justification for what Bradford calls the harsh tyranny 
to him of the ecclesiastical courts of England : at least, 
it shows that the peace and order of society, the main- 
tenance of a useful influence from the Christian ministry, 
require that spirits like his should be subjected to some 
control. The book to which I allude is the Parallels, above 
referred to, where Bernard, a neighboring minister at Work- 
sop, is the object of his unmitigated abuse. 

It may be proper to observe that Gainsborough is a mar- 
ket-town, situated upon the Trent, the river which sep- 
arates the counties of Nottingham and Lincoln, and that 
it was in those days, as it is now, a kind of emporium for 
the produce of Bassetlaw ; so that there must have been 
frequent resort to it by the agriculturists of that district. 

Smith died of consumption ; and therefore, probably, 
when he had not numbered many days. With his accus- 
tomed kindliness and clemency, Bradford tells us that " he 
and his people's condition at Amsterdam may be an object 
for pity in after times"; and again, that, "falling into 
some errors in the Low Countries, there for the most part 
he and his church buried themselves and their names." 
His chief peculiarities in his Separated state respected 
Baptism. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 6 1 

Of Clifton, nothing I believe has been written concern- 
ing his English life except the very little which is in my 
Tract, and the little which Bradford has told us respecting 
him. His abode was nearer to Bradford's and Brewster's 
than Gainsborough ; for there can hardly be a doubt that 
he is the Richard Clifton who in 1535 was instituted to the 
vicarage of Marnham, near Newark upon Trent, and in 
1586 to the rectory of Babworth, near Retford. This last 
preferment placed him quite in the heart of Bassetlaw ; 
and Babworth is no doubt the church in which he was 
wont to engage the public attention by the earnestness 
and fervency of his preaching. He forsook the Church of 
England, and became either the pastor or teacher of the 
Separatist Church in Brewster's house. He became quite 
incorporated with them ; he accompanied them to Holland ; 
he lived with them at Amsterdam. There he engaged in 
the virulent controversies which were carried on among 
the English exiles ; and when Brewster and the greater 
part of his people found Amsterdam a place in some re- 
spects not adapted to therU, and removed to Leyden, Clifton 
chose to remain behind. But he did not live long, dying 
at Amsterdam. 

Clifton, it is not improbable, was a member of one of 
the most ancient Nottinghamshire families, the Cliftons of 
Clifton, who were among the first of the families admitted 
into the order of Baronets. But beside the two institu- 
tions, I have found nothing relating to his English life 
except that in 1593 he was nominated one of the super- 
visors of the will of Richard Jessop, a gentleman residing 
at Hayton, near Babworth, which may deserve this notice 
on two accounts ; first, that one of the brothers of this 
Richard Jessop bore the name of Francis, and may reason- 
ably be presumed to be the Francis Jessop whom we find 
fighting by the side of Clifton in the controversies at Am- 
sterdam, and the person of that name whose signature 
stands first in the letter from Leyden in which the decease 
of Robinson is announced to those of his church who were 
then settled in New England ; and, secondly, that the 
other supervisor was Thomas Toller, a young divine, 
who may on good grounds be presumed to have been one 
of the ministers spoken of in general terms by Bradford, as 

4tii s. — vol. i. 8 






62 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

ministers by whom his own mind and that of other persons 
in those parts were greatly influenced. At all events, this 
Toller was one of the Puritan ministers of the time, and a 
very zealous one. In 1597 or 1598 he was presented by 
the Jessops to the vicarage of Sheffield ; and there he 
passed the remainder of a long life, in the zealous exercise 
of his ministry. He it was who excited the strong Puri- 
tan feeling which prevailed throughout the parish. But he 
was content with being the Puritan, and with doing his 
best to induce others, ministers and people, to become so 
too ; for he did not, like Smith and Clifton, pass on to 
actual Separation. 

Another of the more zealous Puritan ministers in the 
country around Scrooby was Richard Bernard, well 
known to the readers of the practical divinity of that century 
as " Bernard of Batcombe," having been transferred from 
these parts some years before his death to the village of 
that name in Somersetshire. Bernard was a remarkable 
man, and strange it is that his name should not be men- 
tioned by Bradford ; since he walfc not only a zealous Puri- 
tan preacher, going to the very verge of Separation, but 
was also one who was interrupted in the course of his pub- 
lic ministry by the interposition of the authorities of the 
time. He was born in 1567, and early in life became set- 
tled at Epworth, a village in the Isle of Axholme, which is 
a part of Lincolnshire bordering on Yorkshire. This is the 
Epworth which has gained a species of renown in later 
times as having been the birthplace of the two Wesleys, 
founders of Methodism, whose father was the vicar there. 
In 1601 he removed to Worksop, and there he quickly 
drew upon himself the animadversion of his* diocesan by 
certain violent discourses which he delivered, tending, as 
w r as thought, to break the union of the Protestant Church. 
Poor Bernard was harassed on both sides, for, having paci- 
fied the Archbishop and been restored to his church, he was 
fallen upon by John Smith. " Maister Bernard, I have 
sufficient reasons that have moved me to break silence in 
respect of you, and by this letter to attempt a further trial 
of your pretended zeal for the truth and faith of Christ. I 
have long time observed the applause yielded you by the 
multitude. Likewise I have taken notice of your forward- 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 63 

ness in leading to a Reformation by public proclamations 
in several pulpits, as if you had meant, contrary to the 
King's mind, to have carried all the people of the country 
after you against the ceremonies and subscription. After- 
ward, having lost your vicarage of Worksop for refusing 
subscription or conformity, I have observed how you re- 
volted back, and upon subscription made to the Prelate of 
York have re-entered upon your vicarage. Again, I have 
noted your vehement desire to the parsonage of Sawenby, 
and your extreme indignation when you were defeated of 
it ; further, your earnest desire to have been vicar of Gains- 
borough, and all this after your subscription : besides, I 
have carefully weighed with myself your steadiness to em- 
brace the truth we profess." Thus he begins a letter 
printed in the Parallels, in which he uses unsparingly 
the term apostate, and others of the same mintage. But 
Bernard's offence was not that he had promulgated senti- 
ments, which, if just, ought to have led to Separation, but 
that, having done so, he did not himself go the length of 
Separation, but actually published A Dissuasive from the 
Way of Separation. This was answered at large by Robin- 
son, the pastor of Brewster's church, when they were set- 
tled in Holland. 

In all times religious controversies are apt to betray men 
into a violence of feeling and of expression which cannot 
be justified even when we look to the magnitude of the in- 
terests which are supposed to be involved in them. People 
do not, however, in these days, write or, we may hope, feel 
as Smith did. Yet there was another Nottinghamshire 
minister who seems to have gone beyond Smith in the in- 
tensity of his hatred of the Church which he abandoned. 
This was Hugh Bromhead, of a family at North Wheatly 
in Bassetlaw. I know not that he has left any thing in 
print ; but there is a long letter from him bound up in 
Volume 360 of the Harleian manuscripts at the Museum, 
which he wrote to a kinsman in London from Amsterdam, 
where he was living a member of Smith's Separatist 
Church. The letter is a very remarkable one, being in 
answer to the expressed wish of his kinsman that he would 
return to England and forsake the Separatists. He is led, 
therefore, into a defence of his Separation, and he points 



64 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

out the grounds on which he, his pastor, and his friends 
had proceeded. It shows also the spirit which prevailed 
among them, that is, among that section of the Notting- 
hamshire Separatists who followed Smith ; for the spirit of 
Brewster's church, though not less decided, jet appears not 
to have been so rancorous. In his judgment the Reformed 
Church of England was " Babylon, the mother of all 
abominations, the habitation of devils, and the hold of all 
foul spirits, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird." 
We can hardly wonder that people who could use such 
language, especially if they were ministers, should be dealt 
with, with some severity. 

Dr. Thoroton, a physician of Nottinghamshire, who in 
1673 published a folio volume on the History and Antiqui- 
ties of the County, did not deem it a part of his duty to 
give us a list of the several clergymen who possessed the 
benefices in his county. Nor are such lists easily to be 
obtained ; and less accessible are the records of the inter- 
ference of the Archbishop with the proceedings of the Puri- 
tan ministers. Else it might be* possible to point out by 
name other ministers, not named by Bradford, who con- 
tributed to excite the strong Puritan feeling which pervaded 
the inhabitants of Bassetlaw, and to justify by particular 
instances the general assertions of Bradford of the harassed 
state in which the Puritan ministers of that district were 
kept by Piers and Hutton, who presided over the Diocese 
of York from 1588 to 1606. 

But we must now turn our attention to a person who 
was not a minister, but who, more than any other person, 
exerted himself to collect into a church the disaffected per- 
sons in the neighborhood who were willing to go the 
length of Separation. He was at that time neither the 
pastor nor the teacher, though afterwards, when they were 
settled on the shores of America, he was both, but was 
content to take upon himself the subordinate office of 
Elder. This was William Brewster, the most eminent 
person in the movement, and who, if that honor is to be 
given to any single person, must be regarded as the Father 
of New England. 

I cannot find that Brewster has ever been the object of 
biographical curiosity in England. I know of nothing re- 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth, 65 

lating to him either in printed books or in manuscript collec- 
tions but what has been copied from the writings of Brad- 
ford or of those who had derived their information from 
him. Yet, independently of his connection with the move- 
ment of which w T e are speaking, there is enough in the 
connections which he had formed in this country to make 
him an object of interest. Without meaning to transcribe 
again from Bradford, I may observe that he was a member 
of the University of Cambridge, or at least had studied 
there ; that he was in early life devoted to politics, being 
placed as one of the Under-secretaries to Davison, when 
he had for his colleague George Cranmer, the friend of 
Hooker ; that he accompanied Davison in a mission to the 
Low Countries ; that he was treated by him with great 
confidence ; that he was in this connection with the Secre- 
tary at the time of the Secretary's fall, and continued with 
him till all hope for him or his friends was at an end. 
Bradford further informs us that he then returned into the 
country, joining himself to the society of the religious gen- 
tlemen of those parts, and devoting himself to the moral and 
religious improvement of the people around him, especially 
in using his influence to obtain zealous and faithful minis- 
ters for the churches near him, as they became vacant. In 
this manner he spent about twenty years. It was in 1587 
that Davison's ruin was completed, and it w 7 as in 1608 that 
he had advanced so far ahead of the principles of the 
Church of England, as professed by those in whom the 
power of the times was vested, that he w 7 as an object of 
animadversion by them, and formed the determination of 
escaping from what he deemed their tyranny, and follow- 
ing Smith to Holland, where was then toleration for all 
forms of Protestant profession. 

Here then we find a person, acquainted with the w r orld, 
and accustomed to the best society it afforded, not a mere 
rural esquire, who in a country retirement had contracted a 
fondness for religious inquiry and seeking perhaps notoriety 
by peculiarities in his religious profession and practice ; but 
one who, while he had lived in the world, and borne a 
share in some of its fiercest contentions, had yet been 
throughout subject to religious influences, first in the Uni- 
versitv, and afterwards in his connection with Davison, 



66 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

who was noted in the court of Elizabeth for his religious 
spirit. And we may easily conceive the amount of in- 
fluence he would obtain in such a region as Bassetlaw, 
where, it is probable, there were few laymen like him, and 
few clergymen who could contend with him in controver- 
sies which it was for so many years the business of his life 
to master ; and where not a few of the clergy had come to 
the same conclusion with himself, even in respect of points 
which were deemed by the authorities unfit to be meddled 
with. But the circumstances in which he had retired from 
the world must have led him to distrust the authorities of 
the times; for there can hardly now be a doubt, that his 
master was the sufferer from court chicanery of the most 
desperate kind, and that it was by this improper use of 
authority that his own progress in the course of life in which 
he had originally been set, was so fatally interrupted. 

It is remarkable that Bradford should have left unnamed 
the place to which Brewster retired. That may, however, 
now be considered as determined ; and I shall proceed to 
two or three minor points on which some trifling additional 
information may be given respecting him. And first the 
date of his birth, which Bradford seems to make the year 
1564; but Morton, writing as it seems on some authority 
derived from Bradford, speaks of him as being eighty-four 
at the time of his death in 1643. This would throw back 
his birth to 1559, the first year of the reign of Elizabeth, 
and this seems to be the true date. His baptism could not 
be found at Scrooby, for the earlier registers are lost ; and 
if they were in existence, it is hardly probable that his 
baptism would be found in them, as the earliest period at 
which I have found any Brewsters at Scrooby is 1571, 
when there is a William Brewster one of three persons who 
are charged to the Subsidy of that year in the township of 
Scrooby cum Ranskill. This could hardly be he who was 
afterwards Elder Brewster; but it might be his father, 
with whose Christian name we are not acquainted. We 
have the misfortune not only of having no register of 
Scrooby parish, but we have no wills of the Brewsters of 
that place. The other two persons assessed with Brewster 
were Thomas Wentworth, who calls himself in his will an 
Esquire, and William Dawson. Dawson was assessed on 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth, 67 

twenty shillings, land, Wentworth on forty shillings, land, 
and Brewster on sixty shillings, goods, as if he had no 
freehold. This shows that he was a man of good sub- 
stance, paying to the tax, which was a species of income 
tax, more than his neighbor, the esquire. 

The name of Brewster is no old Nottinghamshire name, 
and the circumstances which brought them to Scrooby can 
only be matter of conjecture. It could not be any connec- 
tion with the family of Sandys, for Sandys did not become 
Archbishop of York till 1576 ; and in the absence of any 
more plausible theory it may be suggested that they were 
brought into these parts of Nottinghamshire as a conse- 
quence of the acquisition of an estate at Sutton upon 
Lound, the adjoining parish to Scrooby, by one of the 
Welbecks who had other large possessions in these parts 
of Nottinghamshire, — the Welbecks being a Suffolk family, 
in which county there were many Brewsters of the rank 
to which the Nottinghamshire Brewsters belonged, and 
there having been a marriage between a Brewster and a 
Welbeck. 

We do not, however, find in any accounts of the Brews- 
ters of Suffolk any notice of the settlehient of any part of 
the family in Nottinghamshire. Yet it seems little probable 
that any other family of the name beside that in Suffolk 
should have sent a son to the University, and then have 
placed him in so advantageous a position as that of an 
Under-secretary of State, which is usually the first step in 
political advancement. However, as at present this is 
only a conjecture, a very brief notice of the Brewsters of 
Suffolk, who were contemporary with Elder Brewster, may 
suffice. Their chief places of residence were Rushmore 
and Wrentham. Robert of Rushmore married one of the 
coheiresses of Christopher Edmonds, of Cressing Temple, 
in Essex, and had two sons, Henry and James. The latter 
died without issue ; but Henry, who transferred his resi- 
dence to Wrentham, had four daughters and two sons, 
Francis, who succeeded him at Wrentham, and Humphrey, 
who died at Hadley in 1614. Francis married Elizabeth 
Snelling, a daughter of Robert Snelling of Whatfield, near 
Ipswich, (of which family of Snelling were the wives of 
Edmund Calamy and Matthew Newcomen, two of the 



68 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth, 

most eminent Puritan divines of the reign of Charles the 
First, and both concerned in the Smectymnuus,) and had 
Robert, of Wrentham, who was a member of Cromwell's 
Parliaments. We see, therefore, that the political leaning 
of the Suffolk Brewsters would coincide with that of jour 
venerable Elder. 

The descent of the Welbecks from Suffolk is shown in 
Harl. MS. 891 ; but they were rather possessors of estates 
in the neighborhood of Scrooby, than residents upon them, 
the person who acquired them dying in early life in 1556, 
leaving an infant daughter and heir, who became married 
in the great Yorkshire family of Savile. 

I have said that there was an intermarriage between the 
Brewsters and the Welbecks. And this brings under our 
notice another Brewster, named James, who had the living 
of Sutton upon Lound, and who was also for a time Master 
of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene at Bawtry. Of 
his ejection from the mastership we shall next speak ; but 
I observe here that Slack, who has left in manuscript an 
account of the transaction, which has been printed by 
Hearne,* says that he, James Brewster, married a daugh- 
ter of a Mr. Wei beck. How far this may be sup- 
posed to strengthen the probability that the Brewsters 
were originally of Suffolk, from which county so many of 
the best of the early emigrants to North America went, 
and were brought into Nottinghamshire to look after the 
affairs of the Welbecks, must be left to the reader. But 
conjectures are sometimes valuable as suggesting lines of 
inquiry, even though, on a first view, they may not wear 
the stamp of high probability. 

That James Brewster was at all connected in blood with 
William Brewster, is itself only a probable supposition ; yet 
when we consider that they both appear in the same 
neighborhood, that they are both connected with the 
family of Sandys, and that there is a remarkable similarity 
between them in respect of ecclesiastical discipline and the 
affairs of the Church generally, it is hardly too much to as- 
sume that they were nearly related to each other, and even 
that they stood in the relation of brothers. However, it 

* From Harl. MS. 7385, in the paper added by him to Peter Langtoft's Chronicle. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 69 

will not be thought a digression if we speak of a dispute 
with the eeclesiastical authorities of the province of York, 
in which James Brewster was involved ; and as the matter 
in dispute was close at the door of William Brewster, it 
must at least have been a question, of the whole proceed- 
ings in which he must have been cognizant, and in which 
he must have felt a deep interest. 

Close to the town of Bawtrj was an endowed Hospital, 
of great antiquity. Its endowments were a little tainted 
with what was called superstition ; for the chaplain had to 
pray for the souls of Robert Morton and Joan, his wife, 
who had been great benefactors in the reign of King Rich- 
ard the Second. There was an act passed in the reign of 
Edward the Sixth, by which all such foundations were sup- 
pressed, and their sites and revenues given to the Crown. 
A few, which were mixed, partly eleemosynary and partly 
religious, escaped sequestration ; and this Hospital at Baw- 
try was one of these. The service of the chapel w T as 
purged of its superstition, and went on under the guid- 
ance of Protestant Masters. To this Mastership in 1584 
Archbishop Sandys presented James Brewster. This was 
at a time when commissions were sitting in all parts of 
the kingdom to inquire about what were called concealed 
lands, that is, lands which ought to have been forfeited 
under the acts for the suppression of religious foundations, 
but which had escaped. To a body of these commissioners, 
some persons, with the connivance and approval of the 
new Master, presented the Bawtry Hospital. The com- 
missioners declared it a concealment, seized the Hospital 
and all its property, and so put an end to the foundation. 
Brewster, upon this, left Bawtry, and went to reside at 
Chelmsford, in Essex. 

Now comes a passage in this history which is not easily 
explained. As soon as the Queen had obtained possession, 
she granted the Hospital and its lands, as a private posses- 
sion, to Brewster and other persons, but, as it seems, with 
a beneficial interest to Brewster only. To all this Arch- 
bishop Sandys, who was the patron of the Hospital, seems 
to have made no resistance. He, however, died in August, 
1588, and was succeeded by Piers, c. prelate of a very 

4tii s. — vol. i. 9 






70 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

different spirit. He set himself with very little delay to 
attempt to undo what had been done, and he was sup- 
ported by the Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical in 
the Province of York, who were at that time beginning to 
act with vigor against every species of uncanonical ir- 
regularity. 

His first step was to depose Brewster from the Master- 
ship, on the ground of his having suffered the overthrow of 
the Hospital, and having removed himself a hundred miles 
or more from the place at which he was bound to reside. 
He next appointed a new Master. Brewster, with Thomas 
Short, Thomas Robinson, and others, were summoned be- 
fore the High Commissioners at York for having profaned 
and destroyed the chapel. But the question was soon 
brought before a higher tribunal. A bill was filed in the 
Court of Exchequer in Easter term, 1591, The Arch- 
bishop of York against Robinson and others, in which the 
whole state of the question is set forth, and it is prayed 
that Brewster and the rest may be commanded to yield 
peaceable possession to the new Master. An order to 
that effect is made ; to which the defendant Robinson de- 
murred ; and the* question, which it is evident was not 
without its difficulties, was left undetermined for several 
years, in the course of which Archbishop Piers died ; but 
in Hilary term, 1596, a final judgment was pronounced, 
establishing the new Master, and annulling all the proceed- 
ings of Brewster and his friends. 

We may be quite sure that William Brewster could not 
be an unconcerned spectator of these proceedings. If 
he took a favorable view of the case of his namesake, it 
would appear to him like a resistance to a powerful op- 
pressor, and the proceedings of Piers and Hutton would 
seem to him to approach to the confines at least of eccle- 
siastical persecution. Yet if any wrong were done, it was 
not by the ecclesiastics concerned, but by a court which 
was composed entirely of laymen, some of whom were of 
especial fame for virtue and wisdom. Yet it seems but too 
probable that the success of the Archbishop in this suit, 
and the heavy costs which the losers must have incurred, 
may have tended to quicken your Brewster in his advance 
on the road on which he was going. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 7 1 

James Brewster showed himself in other respects not a 
very dutiful son of the Church in which he was a minister. 
Either contumaciously or through neglect, at the beginning 
of the reign of James the First he had not paid his share of 
the subsidy granted to the late Queen by the Clergy of 
the Province of York, and when cited in his own church 
of Sutton to do so, he still neglected, and was returned as 
a defaulter into the Exchequer. This did not, however, 
prevent him from obtaining another living, for on the 13th 
of March, 1604, he was instituted to the vicarage of 
Gringley on the Hill, a well-known place on the high road 
between Bawtry and Gainsborough. In 1610 he had not 
paid his first-fruits, either for this or some other benefice. 
And this is the latest notice I have met with of James 
Brewster. 

Returning, then, to William Brewster, and his connec- 
tions and affairs, we may observe that this story of the 
Bawtry Hospital comes in aid of the fact that the Brews- 
ters were tenants of the family of Sandys, to show that, 
long before there was any thought of calling in the aid of 
any member of that family in the project of settling a 
colony on the American shores, there had been a friendly 
correspondence between the Brewsters and the Sandyses, 
who may justly be considered as persons at this time of 
near equality of position. Sir Edwin Sandys could not 
but, even in the times before Brewster left England, have 
observed the course which a gentleman, whom no doubt he 
esteemed, was taking, and if we may rely upon certain 
passages in his Europce Speculum, written by him at Paris 
in 1599, he must then have been to a considerable extent 
like-minded with Brewster. There was another link be- 
tween them ; for Cranmer, who had been with Brewster 
in the service of Davison, accompanied Sir Edwin Sandys 
in his Continental tour undertaken for the purpose of ob- 
serving the state of religion in the different countries of 
Europe, of which the Speculum exhibits the result. Wheth- 
er Brewster outran Sandys, or Sandys outran Brewster, 
there seems to have been a friendly race between them for 
a time, though ultimately Brewster's was the more decided 
conduct. Even the old Archbishop wab not himself averse 



72 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

to further changes in the Church in the way of Reforma- 
tion.* 

Brewster did not proceed hastily. We are left in some 
uncertainty respecting the time when he had matured his 
project of attempting the establishment of a Separatist 
church in his own house. Morton, in his New England's 
Memorial, names the year 1602 as the year of the forma- 
tion of the church ; but Bradford seems to have fixed a 
later date, 1606 or 1607 ; for he says that after they had 
continued together about a year, " they resolved to go over 
into Holland, which was in the year 1607 or 1608." The 
same thing is in effect repeated in his account of Brewster, 
who had ci borne his part in weal and woe with his poor, 
persecuted church about thirty-six years in England, Hol- 
land, and this wilderness, and done the Lord and them faith- 
ful service in his place and calling ; and notwithstanding 
the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord 
upheld him to a great age." He died in 1643, from which 
subtract thirty-six, and we are carried back to the year 
1606 or 1607 for the date of the actual formation of the 
church. 

Such an act would no doubt be performed with great 
solemnity, and a written record would be made of what 
was done. This was the usual practice at the foundation 
of the Independent churches in England. The first busi- 
ness would be the choice of officers and solemn devotion of 
themselves, by every person who enrolled himself a mem- 
ber of the church, to walk according to Scripture rules in 
faith and practice. 

For a perfectly constituted church, six officers at least 
were required ; a Pastor, a Teacher, two Elders, and two 
Deacons. In the Scrooby church, at its foundation, we 
find only three of these ; Brewster was an Elder, and the 
offices of Pastor and Teacher were filled by two regularly 
ordained ministers, Clifton, of whom we have spoken be- 
fore, and John Robinson, now a new name, but one very 
prominent in the measures which ensued. Of Clifton I 
have nothing more to say ; and it is but little that I have 



* As may 'be seen in his will. See Collins's Supplement to his Peerage, 1750. 
Vol. II. p. 582. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 73 

to add concerning Robinson to the valuable notices of 
Bradford and the valuable notes of his latest Editor,* and 
to what has elsewhere been published respecting him. 
He, we need hardly observe, went the whole length of 
the Separation. 

Of his birth and origin nothing is known. There is a 
conjecture of Mr. Masters, in his List of the Members of 
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 4to, 1749, that he 
was a John Robinson of the county of Lincoln, who was 
admitted of that College in 1592, took the degree of M. A. 
and became Fellow in 1598. This conjecture deserves 
consideration, though opposed to what is the received 
opinion, and the rather because it traces his origin to the 
county of Lincoln. We are told that he was beneficed in 
Norfolk, somewhere near Yarmouth. I have endeavored 
to introduce here a little more of precision. On looking 
through the lists of Norfolk incumbents given by Blome- 
field in his History of the County of Norfolk, I meet with 
only one clergyman having the name of Robinson in the 
parts of the county which can admit of being called the 
country about Yarmouth, at the time when John Robinson 
must have been settled there. Blomefield, or perhaps 
Parkin, who completed the work, knew or cared so little 

about him that the name stands thus: " Robinson." 

The preferment which this minister had was the vicarage 
or perpetual curacy at Mundham, about fourteen miles 
distant from Yarmouth, and about as far from Norwich. 

And that this Robinson is the John Robinson who 

was for so many years the affectionate and beloved minister 
of Brewster's Separatist church, is placed almost beyond a 
doubt by the fact that Mundham was an impropriation of 
the Hospital of Saint Giles at Norwich, and its curate 
appointed by the Corporation of Norwich, when compared 
with the following passage in Dr. Hall's Apology against 
Brownists, which Dr. Young has cited : — " Neither doubt 
we to say, that the Mastership of the Hospital at Norwich, 
or a lease from that city (sued for with repulse) might 
have procured that this separation from the communion, 
government, and worship of the Church of England should 

* Chronicles of the PiWim3, p. 451. 



74 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

not have been made by John Robinson." I shall not stay 
to inquire how far the insinuation in this passage is borne 
out by evidence, or by the general character of Robinson. 
Here it is cited only as an index to the parish in the county 
of Norfolk which had the benefit of his labors in his first 
entrance upon the ministry. I wish I could add some ac- 
count of how he was esteemed and what he did at Mund- 
ham. He was there in 1600 and 1603. He spent some 
time at Norwich : " Witness the late practice in Norwich, 
where certain citizens were excommunicated for resorting 
unto and praying w r ith Mr. Robinson, a man worthily rever- 
enced of all the city for the grace of God in him." # 

But the most decided proof of his having resided at one 
period of his life at Norwich is contained in the Preface 
to his own People } s Plea for the Exercise of Prophecy, 
16mo, 1618, to which Dr. Young has called my attention. 
He dedicates it " to my Christian friends in Norwich and 
thereabouts," and afterwards says, " even as when I lived 
with you." 

That he left the county of Norfolk in some state of dis- 
gust, depends not entirely on the words of Dr. Hall. It 
might be inferred from the above passage in Ainsworth, 
and it is affirmed at a somewhat later period by Ephraim 
Pagitt, who speaks of " one Master Robinson, who, leaving 
Norwich malecontent, became a rigid Brownist."f 

Let us consider how this bears on the question at what 
time he became one of the officers of Brewster's church. 
He was at Mundham in 1603, and after this was for some 
time at Norwich ; so that we may assign with much prob- 
ability the beginning of his connection with the church to 
the year 1606 or 1607. Perhaps even the formation of the 
church in regular order may have arisen out of the oppor- 
tunity of securing his services. 

Of the persons who composed Brewster's church, with- 
out holding any office in it, we may mention, in the first 
place, two persons, whose names only are known, and the 
fact that, when active efforts were being made to put down 
the church, they were singled out together with Brewster 

* Ainsworth's Answer to Crashaw, cited by Mr. Hanbury in his Historical Me- 
morials relating to the Independents, 8vo, 1839, Vol. I. p. 185. 
t Heresiograpby, 4to, 1655, p. 73. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 75 

as objects of attack. Their names were Richard Jackson 
and Robert Rochester, and they appear to have resided 
at the village of Scrooby itself. We get their names from 
the certificate of Tobias, Archbishop of York, dated No- 
vember 13, 1608, to the Treasurer and Barons of the Ex- 
chequer of fines unpaid which had been imposed by the 
Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical in the Province of 
York. " Richard Jackson, William Brewster, and Robert 
Rochester, of Scrooby, in the county of Nottingham, 
Brownists or Separatists, for a fine or amercement of £20 
apiece, set and imposed upon every of them by Robert 
Abbot and Robert Snowden, Doctors of Divinity, and Mat- 
thew Dodsworth, Bachelor of Law, Commissioners for 
Causes Ecclesiastical within the Province of York, for not 
appearing before them upon lawful summons, at the Col- 
legiate Church of Southwell, the 22d day of April, anno 
Domini 1608 — £60." I have seen no account of any pro- 
ceedings of the officers of the Exchequer to recover this 
money. The parties were probably out of the jurisdiction 
of the court. 

But by far the most remarkable person who was a private 
member of this church during its short abode in England, 
was a very young man, named William Bradford, who 
was a most zealous and active member of the church dur- 
ing its residence in Holland, who with his family was in 
the same ship which carried over Brewster and the first 
company of emigrants, who was of most eminent service 
in the most laborious and difficult of the duties which are 
required at the first settlement of a new country, who was 
for many successive years elected Governor of the Colony, 
and who in his old age composed several historical treatises 
relating to the emigration, which are the basis of nearly all 
our authentic knowledge respecting it. 

What we know of his own personal history before he 
left England is derived for the most part from the account 
which is given of him by Dr. Cotton Mather, in his Mag- 
nalia. The nature of the facts, and the unfortunate sub- 
stitution of Ansterfield for At^sterfield, seem to show that 
Dr. Mather was not writing from any personal knowledge 
of the circumstances, which indeed occurred long before 
his time, but from some writing o f Bradford's own, not now 



76 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

extant. Dr. Mather says that Bradford was sixty-nine 
years of age at the time of his death, May 9, 1657, which 
would give 1588 as the year of his birth. We find in near 
correspondency with this the following entry in the parish 
register of Austerfield : — 

" 1589. March . . baptized William, the son of William 
Bradforth." 

Whether this is March, 1589, or March, 1590, I am un- 
able positively to say. 

Dr. Mather further informs us, that he was born to some 
estate ; that his parents died when he was young, and that 
he was brought up by his grandfather and uncles. This is 
quite in coincidence with the state of the family of*Brad- 
ford, as it may be collected from the entries in the parish 
register of Austerfield, and from the few fiscal and testa- 
mentary documents in which I have found notice of this 
family. Austerfield is not an independent parish, but, like 
its neighbor, Bawtry, a member of the parish of Blythe. 
Its ancient chapel, however, has from very early times 
possessed the right of having the offices of baptism, mar- 
riage, and burial performed within it, and the register oi 
the performance of these offices has been in the main well 
preserved. 

Laying aside, then, for the present, the account of Brad- 
ford given by the author of the Magnalia, I will lay before 
the Society a genealogical account of a family, for whom, 1 
may observe, no pretension to genealogical antiquity or tc 
ancient wealth can be set up, derived from the original 
sources just named. 

A William Bradford was living at Austerfield in or 
about the year 1575, when he and another person, named 
John Hanson, were the only persons living in that town- 
ship who were assessed to the subsidy. Bradford's assess- 
ment was on twenty shillings, land, Hanson's on sixty 
shillings, goods, annual value. This, it will be observed, 
was the same sum at which Brewster was assessed at 
Scrooby. These were evidently the two grandfathers of 
the future Governor; at least, there is that kind of prob- 
ability which is but slightly removed from certainty : and, 
as being the only subsidy-men at Austerfield, we must 
regard them as being the principal persons in the lay popu- 
lation of the place. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 11 

" William Bradfourth, the eldest," was buried January 10, 
159f. At this time the grandson, your William, whose 
father had died in 1591, was about six years old. 

Three Bradfords appear in the next generation. Their 
aames were William, Thomas, and Robert. The baptism 
rf Robert only is found in the Register : — 

" 1561, June 25, baptized Robert son of William Brad- 
fourth." 

But there can be no doubt that they were three broth- 
ers, sous of old William, and the father and uncles of the 
jJovernor ; the other two being probably born before the 
commencement of the Register. The three Bradfords 
tfere all heads of families. William married, on June 28, 
1584, Alice Hanson. So much we know from the con- 
emporary record. That she was the daughter of John 
Sanson is only an inference ; but it will be allowed to be 
in exceedingly probable one. The will of John Hanson, 
f it can be found, would determine this point. The regis- 
:er presents us with the names of only three children, issue 
)f this marriage, namely, Margaret, born in 1585, who 
lied in her infancy; Alice, born in 1587, which is all the 
nformation I have of her ; and William, the future Gov- 
ernor, baptized in March, 1589. The father of these chil- 
Iren was buried July 15, 1591, when the son was about 
wo years old. 

Thomas appears in the Register only as having a daugh- 
|er named Margaret, baptized on March 9, 157f. 

Of Robert, the other uncle, as we may safely consider 
iim, we know more than of any other member of the fami- 
ly, except him to whom only it owes any renown. He 
(vas assessed at Austerfield to the subsidy in 1598, with 
ohn Mawdson, Robert Martley, and Robert Bridges. On 
anuary 31, 1585, he married Alice Waingate, as the 
lame appears in the copies of the Register which have been 
fent to me. He had Alice, who died an infant, and his 
Ither children, William, Robert, Mary, Elizabeth, and Mar- 
garet, baptized between 1587 and 1600. William died 
poung, and was buried April 30, 1593. The other four 
Were living at the date of the father's will, April 15, 1609. 
|t was made in his last illness, as we find that he was 
juried at Austerfield on the 23d of that month. 

4th s. — vol. i. 10 



78 Early Histonj of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

In this will he descrihes himself " Robert Bradfurth of 
Austerfield, yeoman." The orthography of proper names 
was in those days quite unsettled. " Yeoman " implied a 
condition of life relatively superior to that which the same 
word would indicate now. They were people who for the 
most part had lands of their own. He sets out with decla- 
rations of his Christian faith, expressed in terms of energy 
a little above the ordinary tone of such exordiums, and his 
first bequest is of ten shillings to the chapel of Austerfield. 
To a servant, named Grace Wade, he gives the free use 
of a dwelling-house ; he names another servant, and his 
brother and sister Hill, who must have been James Hill 
and Elizabeth Bradford, his wife, who were married on 
January 20, 1595. We may observe that there is in the 
Register the baptism of an Elizabeth, daughter of William 
Bradford, July 16, 1570. Another small legacy is given tc 
Thomas Silvester, clerk. To his son Robert he gives his 
best iron-bound wain ; the cupboard in the house, that is. 
a room in the dwelling-house so called, according to the 
custom of the country, answering to what is now called the 
parlor ; one long table with a frame, and one long form, 
with his best yoke of oxen ; also, " the counter wherein 
the evidences are." He leaves him also a corslet, with 
all the furniture thereto belonging. Having made these 
specific bequests, he directs that the residue of his property 
shall be divided equally among his four children, Robert, 
Mary, Elizabeth, and Margaret, whom he makes executors. 
They were all then under age, and he gives the tuition oi 
them till they are of age or married to three of his friends : 
" my good neighbour, Mr. Richardson, of Bawtry, to have 
the care of Robert and Margaret ; William Downes, oi 
Scrooby, of Elizabeth ; and Mr. Silvester, of Alkley, oi 
Mary." In a later part of his will he directs that his son 
Robert shall have the reversion of two leases, the one of all 
the King's lands he has in Austerfield, the other of the 
closes which he has of Mr. Morton in Martin lordship. To 
explain this, it may be added that Austerfield as well .as 
Bawtry was in those days a royal manor, having come to 
the Crown by forfeiture or marriage, from the illustrious 
line of Nevil and Despenser ; and the Bradfords were the 
farmers of the demesne, and held also certain lands of their 
neighbors, the Mortons of Bawtry. 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 79 

The will, it will be observed, was made in 1609, the 
year after the removal of Brewster's church to Holland ; 
so that it shows, as far as it goes, what was the status of 
the Bradfords at the time when William, afterwards the 
Governor, was living with his family in England. And it 
shows, also, who were the more particular friends and inti- 
mates of the family, who on a little research turn out to 
be the principal people of a neighborhood which did not 
abound with persons of any better condition than the cler- 
gyman and the yeoman. Mr. Richardson, of Bawtry, to 
whom he commits the care of his children, was, next to 
the Mortons, the principal person in that town. He was, 
indeed, allied to the Mortons, both he and Robert Morton, 
the head of the family, marrying into the family of Lindley, 
of Skegby, one of the visitation families of Nottingham- 
shire. Of Downes I know nothing, except that he was a 
subsidy-man at Scrooby. Silvester was a divine, living at 
Alkley, which lies eastward from Austerfield at no great 
distance. I have perused his will, which was made in 
1615, and it appears by it that he was possessed of a fair 
estate, and also — which is more to our purpose — of a 
library of English and Latin books, at a time when in 
country places in England books were exceedingly few. 
This collection of books, in the hands of a friend of the 
family living near them, may have been a treasure of in- 
struction to the Governor in his youth. 

In the next generation the family seems to have declined. 
While William was working his way to the consequence 
which he ultimately attained, his cousin-german, Robert, 
remained at Austerfield, where he married and had issue. 
Before 1628 he had sold his lands there to Mr. William 
Vescy, a gentleman of Brampton, a village about ten or 
twelve miles distant, who in that year made his will, in 
which he speaks of " lands at Austerfield which I bought 
of Robert Bradford." In 1630, one Robert Wright, a 
draper of Doncaster, leaves to him his gray suit of apparel, 
and to Richard Bradford, his son, one fustian doublet and 
one pair of hose. 

William Bradford, the only person who makes this fami- 
ly in any degree a worthy object of historical inquiry, in- 
herited a portion of the lands wh«ch had belonged to them ; 



80 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

for Dr. Mather informs us that he sold his lands when he 
was of full age, and was living in Holland. As to the 
moral and religious state of the village in which he was 
born, it is a very unfavorable report indeed which Dr. 
Mather gives. He describes it as being a very ignorant, 
profane place, not a Bible to be seen there, and with a 
minister at the chapel inattentive and careless. I can 
neither confirm nor refute this representation, which is 
made, it may be observed, by one whose standard of re- 
ligious duty is high. But the will, of which we have had 
an abstract, is not without traces both of piety and charity. 
The clergyman alluded to must have been Henry Fletcher, 
who was minister of Austerfield in 1591, when he married 
Elizabeth Elvick. He had a large family of children, who 
were all baptized at Austerfield, so that he appears to have 
been constantly resident. In his will, dated May 26, 
1624, he desires to be buried in the church-yard or chapel 
of Austerfield, near his wife and children. 

We may, however, conclude that it was not to him that 
Bradford owed that deeply contemplative and religious turn 
of mind, which is said to have been manifested even as early 
as his twelfth year. He was brought up at Austerfield 
among his relations " in the innocent trade of husbandry " ; 
but he was soon remarked, says Dr. Mather, for his thought- 
ful and serious deportment. He fell under the influence of 
Clifton, became much attached to him, and separated from 
the Church. He became, young as he was, a zealous Sep- 
aratist, and opposing himself entirely to the wishes of his 
family, and daring the derision which would be showered 
upon him by the clowns of Austerfield, he united himself 
to the Scrooby church, and became a very active and use- 
ful person in the difficult operations which were soon to be 
performed. 

To complete what we may call his personal and domestic 
history, it has been discovered by inquirers in your country 
that he married one Dorothy May, who accompanied him 
to America, but who never set foot upon its shores. She 
happened to fall overboard when the Mayflower was close 
to land, and was drowned. May is no Bassetlaw name, so 
that we are not warranted in claiming her as another mem- 
ber of the Scrooby church ; and she was probably a daugh- 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth, 81 

ter of a Mrs-. May, a member of Johnson's Brownist church 
at Amsterdam, who is spoken of not very respectfully by 
Pagitt in his Heresiography, p. 62. Two years after her 
death, Bradford married Mrs. Alice Southworth, a widow, 
of whom afterwards. 

William Bradford 

f 1 —A j ^ 

William Thomas Robert Elizabeth, 

-- ■*> — : : ; — t wife of 



William Margaret Alice Margaret William Robert Mary Elizabeth Margaret James Hill. 
the G07- d. y. d. y. | 

ernor. Richard and others. 

George Morton. — It is stated that a sister of the Gov- 
ernor, named Sarah, or Julian, married George Morton, 
and was the mother of Nathaniel Morton, who was for a 
long time Secretary to the Colony, and the author of the 
book entitled New England's Memorial, printed in 1669; 
and it is certain that Nathaniel Morton does in that work 
call Governor William Bradford his uncle. On this connec- 
tion I must confess myself unable to throw any light. It is 
quite certain that there were Mortons living at Austerfield 
contemporary with the Bradfords ; but there is no trace of 
any Nathaniel among them, or of any connection by mar- 
riage with the Bradfords. Neither is there any trace of a 
sister of the Governor who bore the name of Sarah or 
Juliana. We find, indeed, amongst the Mortons of Auster- 
field, a George Morton, son of Thomas, baptized February 
12, 1598; but, according to all the usual probabilities when 
we are tracing a family by the aid of a parish-register only, 
he is the same George Morton who lived in the same vil- 
lage and had children baptized from 1624 to 1631, so 
could not be the George Morton who came to Plymouth 
with a family of four children in July, 1623, and there, in 
less than a year, died. A widow of this George Morton, 
whose name was certainly Julian, married a Manasseh 
Kempton, after the death of Morton. 

I fear that, for the present at least, the identification of 
this George Morton must be left in an undetermined state ; 
which is the more to be regretted, inasmuch as Dr. Young* 
has a plausible conjecture that he is the " G. Mourt " to 
whom the early settlers transmitted the report of their pro- 

* Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 113. 



82 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

ceedings, which was printed at London under his -care in 
1622, and who was at that time contemplating to join his 
friends in America, and take his share in the hardships to 
which colonists in the wilds are necessarily subject. It is 
certain that " Mourt " is no name of any English family, 
and that it may, either through error or design, stand in the 
place of " Morton " ; with which coincide the facts, that 
the person who bore it intended to emigrate in 1622 ; that 
there is no notice of a person named Mourt coming to the 
Colony, and that a G. Morton did arrive in 1623, and was 
an influential person, such as we may conceive the person 
in London would be to whom the Governor and his friend 
intrusted the manuscript of their proceedings. Yet we had 
at that time in England two Puritan families bearing names 
which make a nearer approach to Mourt than Morton does, 
Moult in Derbyshire, and Mort in Lancashire. 

It is clear that a great deal of obscurity hangs over this 
part of the subject ; and it may be rather deepened than 
removed if I add that there was another George Morton 
living at the time of which we are now speaking, not in- 
deed at Austerfield, but at the neighboring town of Bawtry, 
on whose history something of mystery hangs. He was a 
member of the eminent and ancient family of the name, 
being the eldest son and heir apparent of Anthony Morton, 
of Bawtry, esquire, who was one of the witnesses in the 
suit respecting the Bawtry Hospital. He died before his 
father, having married Catherine Boun, half-sister of Gilbert 
Boun, sergeant at Jaw, whose daughter Dr. Thoroton, the 
historian of Nottinghamshire, married. Dr. Thoroton must, 
therefore, have known every thing about this George Mor- 
ton ; and it fell in his way to relate at least the main facts 
respecting him. But he passes him over, and indeed the 
whole family at this period, with a very slight notice ; so 
that what we really know respecting it at this period is 
little more than that the family was fast losing its lands 
and its consequence at this time ; that Anthony began the 
ruin of the family, which Robert, another of his sons, com- 
pleted ; and that George left Catharine, his wife, surviving, 
who at her death was buried in the chapel of the Hospital. 

And before dismissing the Mortons a few words may be 
added respecting Thomas Morton, who joined the Colony 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 83 

in 1625, and, having been sent back in disgrace, published 
his New England's Canaan. I know of no reason for re- 
ferring his birth to Austerfield, except that Bradford seems 
to have had some knowledge of his early history, though he 
writes " Furnival's Inn," while Morton describes himself 
of " Clifford's Inn," and that there is the baptism of a 
Thomas Morton, brother of George, in 1590. But I intro- 
duce his name principally for the purpose of observing that 
he may be the Captain Thomas Morton, who dates from 
Breda, November, 1624, certain verses, which some per- 
sons have thought worthy of transcription, for they may 
be read in the Ashmole, the Harley, and the Sloane man- 
uscripts. 

To the members of Brewster's church I am disposed to 
add the name of Francis Jessop, chiefly for the reason 
mentioned before ; that is, we find him placed by his father 
under a species of guardianship of Richard Clifton and 
Thomas Toller ; and we find a person of his name author 
of a tract printed at Amsterdam, entitled A Discovery of 
the Errors of the English Anabaptists, in which he fights 
by the side of Clifton against Smith, and we find a person 
of his name subscribing the letter from Leyden in 1625 
announcing the death of Robinson.* It is surely not lay- 
ing more on the identity of a name than it will bear, to 
suppose these to be one and the same person. He did 
not, however, take the last step, and remove himself to 
America. 

We have evidence in Smith's Tract entitled Parallels, 
Censures, and Observations, printed in 1605, -that one at 
least of the Southworths, a Bassetlaw family of consid- 
eration, was among the Separatists ; for when Smith is 
accumulating. proof of the disgraceful conduct which he 
charges upon Bernard, he speaks of Bernard having de- 
clared his approbation of the way of Reformation on divers 
occasions ; one of which w T as when Bernard was coming 
together with him and Mr. Robert Southworth from W. 
that is, from Worksop, on which he breaks out in the fol- 
lowing strain : — " I do proclaim you unto the whole land to 
be one of the most fearful apostates of the whole nation, that 

* Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 488. 



84 Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 

excepting White and Clapham you have no superior." 
This Robert Southworth must, I conceive, have been the 
person of that name who lived at Clarborough, in the centre 
of the disaffected preachers at Gainsborough, Babworth, and 
Scrooby. They were a visitation family, but they made a 
very sparing entry of themselves when Nottinghamshire 
was visited in 1614; Edward Southworth being then the 
head of the family, who was son of Robert, son of Richard, 
son of Aymond Southworth, who settled at Wellam in the 
reign of Henry the Eighth. We have no marriages, nor 
collaterals, no younger children, no daughters ; but we learn 
from Thoroton, that beside this, the chief line of South- 
worth, there was a Thomas, who had lands at Clarborough 
in 1612, and a William, who was a freeholder at Hay ton, 
where one of the Jessops had lived. 

It will hardly be doubted that it would be by researches 
into the history of this family that we should find the hus- 
band of Mrs. Alice Southworth, whom Governor Bradford 
took for his second wife, and whose two sons, Constant 
and Thomas Southworth, were brought up by the Govern- 
or, and became important persons in the Colony, as their 
descendants were afterwards ; especially when we recall 
the tradition of New England, that there had been an ac- 
quaintanceship and attachment between Bradford and Mrs. 
Alice before Bradford left England. The parents of the 
lady are said to have opposed their union on the ground of 
inequality of position, and she married Southworth. The 
tradition goes beyond this. Bradford heard in America that 
she was become a widow ; he renewed his proposals by 
letter ; she accepted them, crossed the ocean, and they 
were married. 

Upon this romantic story I can throw no light ; nor am 
I able to decide on the conflicting accounts of the family of 
the lady, the mother of Constant and Thomas Southworth. 
One account is, that she was a sister of John Rayner, who 
was for some time a minister in England ; but becoming a 
Separatist, he joined the Colony at New Plymouth, and 
was their pastor from 1636 to 1654, while both Brewster 
and Bradford were living. Now there were certainly Ray- 
ners living in Bassetlaw, a family of good account ; but as 
there is no Alice Rayner found in any of the usual accounts 



Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth. 85 

of them, and as there is reason to suppose that Mrs. White, 
who gave this information to Judge Davis, was mistaken, 
and that there is also what is deemed sufficient evidence to 
show that the original name of this Mrs. Southworth was 
Carpenter,* I shall proceed no further with the Rayners. 

And here I close this communication, for what follows 
in the Tract is derived almost exclusively from your own 
writings, and especially from Dr. Young's publication, en- 
titled Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, and intended for 
English, not American readers. 

I shall only add, that May-Flower was a very favorite 
name with English seamen, and given by them to vessels 
from almost every port in England, so that we must not 
refer to the vessel which took over the first hundred Pil- 
grims whatever we find concerning vessels of that name. 



* See on this, what appears to be conclusive, note 4 on p. 353 of Dr. Young's 
Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers. Yet Carpenter is, I believe, no Bassetlaw name, 
and it is certain that there was no family of Carpenters in that district which could 
have a right to disdain a connection of one of their daughters with Bradford. 



4th S. VOL. I. 11 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF PHILIP VINCENT, 



THE AUTHOR OP " THE TRUE RELATION OP THE LATE BATTLE FOUGHT IN NEW ENGLAND 
BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE PEdUOT SALVAGES," 1638. 



Very little, or perhaps nothing, is to be found in the 
printed literature of England concerning this person, so 
that it is not surprising nothing could be told respecting 
him, when this extremely rare tract of his was reprinted in 
the sixth volume of the third series of the Collections of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Yet he has been to a certain extent his own biographer, 
that is, as far as to the year 1630, in which year he drew up 
an excellent genealogical account of the ancient family from 
which he was descended, including the leading facts in his 
own life so far, when, however, he was but in the earlier 
period of middle life. This tract has never been printed, 
but I have had an opportunity of perusing it in manuscript, 
among the historical collections of an eminent antiquary of 
the seventeenth century, Dr. Nathaniel Johnston, of Ponte- 
fract in Yorkshire. 

He deduces himself from a John Vincent, a younger 
son of the Vincents of Great Smeaton, near Richmond, 
in Yorkshire. This John settled at Braithwell, a village 
near to the ancient castle of Coningsborough, a castle 
of the princes of the House of York. This was in the 
reign of Henry the Fifth, and the Vincents were then 
and afterwards much employed by the lords of Conings- 
borough. From John descended Richard Vincent, who 
in early life served in the English and Imperial armies, 
and was in Calais at the time when it was taken by the 



Biographical Notice of Philip Vincent 87 

Duke of Guise. He returned to Yorkshire, his native 
country, where he was the father of another Richard Vin- 
cent, who was the father of Philip. 

This Richard is said by his son to have been a student 
of Gray's Inn, but never practised the law. He married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Rokeby of Hotham, a dis- 
tinguished Yorkshire family, by whom he had three sons, 
Thomas, Philip, and William. 

Philip says that his father, mother, and a sister of his 
father, all died within seven weeks of each other, in 1617, 
and were all buried in Coningsborough church. But they 
died within a shorter space, if the extracts which have been 
sent me from the Coningsborough Register may be relied 
upon : — 

" 1617 June 6, buried Elizabeth, wife of Richard Vin- 
cent, gent. 
June 19, buried Richard Vincent of Firsbie. 
June 26, buried Jane Vincent." 

Richard and Jane Vincent left no written wills, but de- 
clared their intention by word of mouth, Richard on June 
17th, and Jane on June 18th. They directed that their 
property should be divided equally among the three sons. 

Philip, son of Richard Vincent of Firsby, or Frisby, for 
the name is written both ways, was baptized at Conings- 
borough on November 23, 1600. He himself tells us, that 
he was of Peter House in the University of Cambridge, 
and that he took the degree of Master of Arts in that Uni- 
versity. At about five-and-twenty he married Frances, 
daughter of Sir Christopher Heydon of Baconsthorpe in 
Norfolk, a friend of Camden, and the most learned English 
writer in defence of judicial astrology, widow of Henry 
Draper of Bromley in Kent. He was ordained, and in 
1625 was presented to the Rectory of Stoke d'Abernon in 
Surrey, by Sir Francis Vincent, who, though having the 
same surname, was of a different family. This living he 
resigned on the 17th of August, 1629, and on November 30, 
1630, he lost his wife, who was buried in the church of 
St. Andrew, London. She had brought him three children, 
Francis and John, who both died in infancy, and Henry, 
who was born in Cursitor's Alley, London, on the 20th of 
December, 1629. 



88 Biographical Notice of PhiHp Vincent. 

Here we lose the benefit of his own narrative ; and the 
next notice "I have seen of him is in the Book of the Grants 
of Sir William Segar, Garter King at Arms, during the 
period of his holding the office, which has lately been added 
to the library of the British Museum, where it is numbered 
12,225 of the Additional Manuscripts. 

Among these grants is one to " Philip Vincent, clerk, 
M. A., of Stoke d'Abernon in Surrey," then sailing to Gui- 
ana. It recites his birth at Frisby, and his descent, as 
shown above, describes the arms usually borne by the Vin- 
cents of Braithwell and Frisby, but authorizes him to bear 
the coat of Col bey, a family from whom the Vincents ac- 
quired Smeaton. This coat was a remarkable one, viz. 
" Or, a cross sarcelee in pale and formee in fess Gules." 

There is no date of this grant ; but we may safely col- 
lect from it, that soon after the death of his wife he com- 
menced a life of wandering and enterprise, after the manner 
of two or three of his near relations, and that in the first 
instance he sailed for Guiana, a tempting region to English 
imagination ever since the appearance of Sir Walter Ra- 
leigh's ill-advised tract. It may be presumed that this may 
have been about the year 1632. 

We then hear nothing of him, till we find that he was in 
New England in 1637, the time of the Pequot war. I 
know not that he states in so many words that he was 
there at the time ; but it may be inferred with reasonable 
certainty that he was in close communication with the per- 
sons actually in the war, from the minute particularity of his 
narrative. It does not, however, appear from it that he 
himself was present in the war, a fact he would have dis- 
tinctly set forth had it been really so. We may perceive 
in a passage or two of this tract, that he was not insensi- 
ble to the value of his honorable descent and alliance ; as, 
for example, at p. 40 of the Society's edition : " The 
meanest of the vulgar is not incapable of virtue, and con- 
sequently neither of honour. Some actions of Plebeians 
have elsewhere been taken for great atchievments." 

The book, the title of which has been placed at the 
head of this article, contains proof that Vincent, the author, 
was a scholar, in the verses " Ad Lectorem," prefixed and 
signed " P. Vincentius." 



Biographical Notice of Philip Vincent 89 

If it be thought that there is not jet sufficient to iden- 
tify the " P. Vincentius " who wrote on the Pequot war 
with the Philip Vincent who was about to sail to Guiana 
about 1632, I refer to the next publication of a " P. Vin- 
cent," which appeared in the same year, 1638, in which he 
published his relation of the Pequot war. The Imprimatur 
of his American tract is dated November 9, 1637, and is 
signed G. R. Weckherlin ; the Imprimatur of this second 
tract is signed by the same person, and is dated November 
12, 1637, three days after the former. The Address to the 
Reader is subscribed, " Thine, P. Vincent " ; but in the 
title-page the author is distinctly pointed out as being in 
orders, " Composed by Dr. Vincent, Theol." This, I 
think, must remove all doubt of the author of the Pequot 
war being the Philip Vincent, once rector of Stoke d'Aber- 
non, who sailed for the western hemisphere in or about 
1632. This book shows that he had travelled in Germany, 
without, however, showing the precise time ; though prob- 
ably not long before it was published ; so that, supposing 
that he actually was in New England at the time of the 
Pequot war, he must have returned to Europe soon after 
the war^was over. Tlie title of this tract is, — 

" The Lamentation of Germany. Wherein as in a glass 
we may behold the miserable condition, and read the woful 
effects of Sin. Composed by Dr. Vincent, Theol. an eye- 
witness thereof; and illustrated by pictures, the more to 
affect the Reader, &c. — London, printed by E. G. for 
John Rothwell, and are to be sold at the sign of the Sun 
in St. Paul's Church Yard." 1638. 12mo. 

The only copy I ever saw of this tract is in the library 
of the British Museum. But in 1835 there was in the 
Catalogue of Mr. Thorpe, the bookseller in Bedford Street, 
a volume, in which this tract was bound up with three 
others, all printed in 1638, which have every appearance of 
having been the productions of the same author. As I 
never saw any of them, I merely give the titles as they ap- 
pear in Mr. Thorpe's Catalogue : — 

" Warnings of Germany by Wonderful Signs and Strange 
Prodigies, with a brief Relation of the miserable events 
which ensued. 1638." 

" Invasions of Germany, with all the Civil and bloody 



90 Biographical Notice of Philip Vincent. 

wars therein. 1638." This is said to have numerous 
fine portraits. 

u Lacrymae Germanise ; or the Tears of Germany, un- 
folding her woful distress. 1638." 

More of his history I know not ; or of what became of 
his son. But his elder brother, Thomas Vincent, became 
the ancestor of a respectable family of the name, seated at 
Barnborough Grange in the Deanery of Doncaster. Of 
this family there is an ample account in my History of that 
Deanery, Vol. I. p. 377. It became extinct, in 1730, by 
the death of a Philip Vincent. 

Joseph Hunter. 



NOTICES. — COMMUNICATED BY REV. DR. LOWELL. 

\ 

I. In the ninth volume of the Historical Collections, first series, p. 234, there is a 
communication from Cotton Tufts, Esq., stating that, being in Gloucester, Sept. 8th, 
1790, he "was informed that the kind of vessels called Schooner derived their 
name from Mr Andrew Robinson of that place. 

I find in a journal of Dr. Moses Prince, a brother of the annalist, which has lately 
been put into my hands, a corroboration of the above statement, that Mr. Robinson 
was the inventor of the vessel denominated Schooner. Under the date of Glouces- 
ter, Sept. 25th, 1721, Mr. P. says : " Went to see Capt. Robinson's lady, &c. This 
gentleman was the first contriver of schooners, and built the first of the sort about 
eight years since, and the use that is now made of them being so much known, has 
convinced the world of their conveniency beyond other vessels, and shows how 
mankind is obliged to this gentleman for this knowledge." 

II. In the fourth volume of the Collections, first series, p. 203, in a communication 
from Dr Belknap, is the following statement : u The present constitution of Mas- 
sachusetts was established in 1780. The first article in the Bill of Rights asserts 
that all men are born free and equal. This was inserted not merely as a moral or 
political truth, but with a particular view to establish the liberation of the negroes 
on a general principle, and so it was understood by the people at large," &c. 1 feel 
an honest pride in saying, as I have authority to say, that this clause was introduced 
by my father, the late Judge Lowell, for the purpose above stated, and that, on its 
adoption by the convention, he offered his services, as a lawyer, gratuitously, to any 
slave in the Commonwealth who might wish to substantiate his claim to freedom. 



MORE GLEANINGS FOR NEW ENGLAND 
HISTORY. 

By HON. JAMES SAVAGE, LL.D., 

PRESIDENT OP THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



Last summer I received from our indefatigable associate, 
Rev. Joseph Hunter, presiding in that corner of Westmin- 
ster Hall which might be termed her Majesty's Remem- 
brancer Office, if the modern Exchequer would tolerate 
such adaptation, the very interesting catalogues of passen- 
gers in six ships for our shore in the earliest days, which 
are herewith presented. 

To introduce them properly, the words of our friend are 
enough : — 

" I had the good fortune, in the course of my researches 
among the unknown and hitherto abandoned matter of the 
Exchequer, to light upon a fragment of another book of 
persons leaving England for other countries in the reign of 
King Charles the First. There is much less of it than the 
book which you saw when in England, and it is of a later 
date, namely, 1637 ; but, on the other hand, the descrip- 
tions of the persons emigrating are more particular, and the 
places in New England in which the emigrants designed 
to settle are named. I need not, however, say more, as I 
have the pleasure of sending you a complete copy of all 
that relates to New England emigrants, which will speak 
for itself; and I have no doubt you will deem it a valuable 
addition to the store of materials for your intended work on 
the original settlers. 

" I also send you a copy from the fragment of another 
similar book, of the year 1631 and 1632, of less value than 
the other." 



92 More Gleanings for New England History. 

Possibly the earlier list, though of fewer names, may not 
to all readers seem of " less value than the other " ; for 
twenty persons, in 1632 landing in Massachusetts, claim 
more regard than a hundred, five years later. 

Before giving the catalogues, which I shall supply with 
notes in not a few cases, I would explain, that in Septem- 
ber Mr. Hunter received from me suggestions on the spell- 
ing of a dozen or more of the names, with request for a 
new examination of the originals ; as the copy was made 
by an amanuensis, not Mr. H. himself, less confidence was 
felt in the collation. This request he kindly complied with 
in October ; and his remarks may seem the most desirable 
portion of the notes. 

" A booke of Entrie for Passengers by the Comission, 
and Souldiers according to the Statute, passing beyond the 
seas, begun at Christmas 1631, and ending at Christmas 
1632." 

eodem* V1I°. Marcii 1631. 

The names of such men as are to be tr. f be transported 
to New England to be resident there uppon a plantacon 
have tendred and taken the oath of allegeance according 
to the Statute, viz. 



Thomas Thomas | 
Thomas Woodford 
John Smallie § 
John Whetston || 
W m Hill 
Willm Perkins 



Walter Harris 
Joseph Mannering 
John Levins 
Thomas Olliver 
John Olliver 
Thomas Haevvard 



* It must be apparent that other embarkations, not for New England, had on that 
7 Mar. 1631-2 been permitted. 

t The exactness of the copy must be understood. The amanuensis has inserted 
in the margin " sic," to express that the original was thus deformed. 

J After much consideration, as nobody with this name came to our country for 
many years, I believe it stands for the Rev. Thomas James of Charlestown, who 
had been a clergyman in England. He came, we know, in the William and Francis, 
from London, 9 March of this year, and reached Boston 5 June after. Rev. Stephen 
Bachilor, and Rev. Thomas Welde, who had also been ordained by the bishops at 
home, came with him, bringing their families. None of these three could have ob- 
tained permission to come, 1 presume, had they asked it. The name of the master 
of the ship was Thomas, but, of course, he designed to return, which the others, at 
that lime, did not. 

§ The spelling of this companion of Winslow, by the custom-house officer, was 
verified by Mr. Hunter, but the person is known to us as John Smalley. 

|j Of this name, too, verification was asked, as I could not doubt that the owner 
of it called himself Whiston, and was the Scituate early settler. In giving certificate 
of the exactness of the copy, Mr. H. adds : " But very little attention was paid in 
those times to the orthography of proper names ; and the name of the same person 
might well be written Whetston or Whiston, Smallie or Smalley." 



More Gleanings for New England History. 93 

Edmond Wynsloe * Willm Norton 

John Hart " | Robert Gamlin 

XII . Aprilis 1632. 

The names of such men women and children w ch are to 
passe to New-England to be resident there uppon a plan- 
tacon have tendred and taken the oath of allegeance 
according to y e Statute. 



John Barcrofte f 
Jane Barcrofte 
Hugh Moier J 
Henrie Sherborn 
John Greene || 
Perseverance Greene 



John Greene 
Jacob Greene 
Abigale Greene 
Sarah Johnes made serv 1 
Joseph Greene 



* Our Edward Winslow, afterwards Governor of Plymouth, is here intended. 
But the perverse officer had written Edmond. Governor Winthrop, in his History, 
Vol. I. p. 78, where he says the ship sailed from London, March 9, and arrived June 
5, makes the number of passengers " about sixty." Of course the families of those 
named above, with those of the parties not convenient to be named, are included. 
Beside Welde, Woodford, Perkins, Levins, and Gamlin were of Roxbury, the minis- 
ter having his wife Margaret, and probably three, four, or five children ; Woodford 
was single ; Perkins, son of William of London, had not a wife until he had been 
here four years ; Levins brought a wife, but probably no child ; Gamlin had, I sup- 
pose, a wife, and certainly a daughter; but his son of the same name came not, I 
think, before the next year. Both Rev. Thomas James and Rev. Stephen Bachilor 
had wives and children. Hill sat down at Dorchester, and with the great migration 
under Warham went to Windsor. Harris was of Weymouth several years, and re- 
moved to New London. Mannering is, I think, utterly unheard of, and may be 
fictitious. Thomas Oliver is the famous ruling elder of Boston, and John, his son. 
Other children, and his wife Ann, came at the same time. Hart was of Salem. 
Norton may have been the brother of Rev. John, perhaps went home, and came 
again in 1635. 

t Feeling a strong conviction that the first two names were designed for Ban- 
croft, of Lynn, ancestor of the late Rev. Aaron, D.D., of Worcester, and almost cer- 
tain that prior to 1660 no Barcroft could be found among New England people, I 
submitted this case to our friend at London. In reply he said: " I wish I could con- 
firm your conjecture that the original was Bancroft; but it is quite plainly written 
Barcroft. Both are names in England. Yet, if there were other evidence favoring 
the notion, I should be inclined to sacrifice the exactness of the record n such a 
point as this. Both John and Jane are called Barcrofte." 

The other evidence to favor the opinion is, that John Bancroft of Lynn had wife 
Jane ; and he had sent, probably, sons John and Thomas, or one of them, before 
this ship. 

X Moier seemed to me intended for Hugh Mosier, by Willis found early at Casco, 
but the original, says Mr. H., " affords no pretence for the insertion of an s." 

|| John Greene was ruling elder in the church, and town-clerk of Charlestown. 
He came in 1632 with wife Perseverance and three children, as his gravestone 
instructs us; but possibly the number of children was four. John, Jacob, and a 
daughter, not Abigail, erected that stone, six-and-thirty years, or more, after his ar- 
rival. He and Perseverance united with the church early in 1633. 

We may be very confident that this ship was the James, for Governor Winthrop, 
under date of 12 June, in the sentence next after mention of the William and Fran- 
cis, takes notice of the arrival of the James in " eight weeks from London," and 
adds, that the ship "brought twelve passengers." Eleven of them are named 
above. • 



4th s. — vol i. 12 



94 More Gleanings for New England History. 



XXII . Junii 1632. 

The names of such Men transported to New-England to 
the Plantacon there per Cert, from Capten Mason have 
tendred and taken the oath of allegeance according to 
the Statute. 



William Wadsworth 
John Tallcott 
Joseph Roberts 
John Coxsall 
John Watson 
Robert Shelley 
Willm Heath 
Richard AUis 
Thomas Uskitt 
Isack Murrill 
John Witchfield 
Jonathan Wade 
Robert Bartlett 
John Browne 
John Churchman 
Tobie Willet 



William Curtis 
Nic s Clark 
Daniell Bremer 
Jo. Benjamin 
Richard Benjamin 
William James 
Thomas Carrington 
William Goodwynn 
John White 
James Olmstedd 
William Lewes 
Zeth Graunt 
Nathaniel Richards 
Edward Erllmer 
Edward Holmar 
Jo. Totman 
Charles Glower 



Beyond doubt, the above named came in the Lion, ar- 
riving on Sunday, 16 September, which Gov. Winthrop 
says " brought one hundred and twenty-three passengers, 
whereof fifty children, all in health." " They had been 
twelve weeks aboard, and eight weeks from the Land's 
End." 

Only two other ships came that year from England, viz. 
the Whale, which reached Boston, 26 May, from Hampton 
April 8, bringing Mr. Wilson, Mr. Dummer, and about 
thirty passengers ; and the Charles of Barnstable, from 
Barnstable April 10, which came in 5 June, bringing Mr. 
Hatherly, the merchant, and about twenty passengers, all 
in health, on board of each. 

We have only thirty-three of the seventy-three adults 
who were passengers in this ship ; but perhaps these are of 
the principal people ; at least near all of them had distinc- 
tion in the Colonies of Massachusetts and afterwards of 
Connecticut. Where they, respectively, first sat down is, 
in most cases, well known. But first I wish to observe 
that. two of these names, Uskitt and Bremer, Mr. Hunter 



More Gleanings for New England History. 95 

permits me to correct into Uffit and Brewer ; and they 
both become my early acquaintances. Besides those slight 
changes from erroneous copy, a few others will be less 
strange in different spelling, as Coggeshall for Coxsall ; Mor- 
rill for Murrill ; Goodwin for Goodwynn ; Elmer for Erll- 
mer ; Holman, probably, for Holmar ; Glover for Glower; 
and Seth Grant, undoubtedly, for Zeth Graunt, though 
the original is perverse. Of Joseph Roberts, Richard 
Allis, Robert Bartlett, John Churchman, Tobie Willet, 
and Thomas Carrington, I am unable to state the earliest 
residence in New England. Yet, as all are of the same sur- 
names with other early settlers, I doubt that some of them 
in this record have wrong baptismal names. Bartlett I 
presume to be the same person who, a few years later, was 
one of the first inhabitants at Hartford ; while under the 
guise of Tobie Willet, I think the distinguished Captain 
Thomas should be seen. None of all these gentlemen be- 
came a dweller at Boston. Ten established themselves, 
first, at Newtown, after some years called Cambridge, viz. 
Wadsworth, Tallcott, Clark, Goodwin, White, Olmstead, 
Lewis, Grant, Richards, and Elmer ; first at Roxbury were 
Coggeshall, Watson, Heath, Uffit, usually spelt Offitt, 
Morrill, Curtis, Brewer, and Totman ; at Watertown were 
Browne and the two Benjamins, perhaps father and son ; 
at Salem sat down James and Glover ; Shelley went to 
Scituate, Witchfield to Dorchester, Wade to Charlestown, 
and Holman to Plymouth. 

Now we come to the other book : — 

" A Register of the [names] * 
of such persons [who are 21 years old] 
and upwards and have [license] 
to passe into forraigne partes from 
March 1637 ,to the 29 th day of Septr. 
by vertu of a Commission granted to 
Mr. Thomas Mayhew Gentleman." 

These people went to New England with William An- 

* I have attempted to supply the deficiencies in the record by insertions in 
brackets, as in a few cases the partial destruction left the sense recoverable by 
easy conjecture. 



96 More Gleanings for New England History. 

drews of Ipswich m r of the John and Dorothey of Ipswich 
and with William Andrews his- sone m r of the Rose of 
Yarmouth. 

Aprill the 8 th 1637. The examinaction of John Baker 
borne in Nowch in Nofolck grocer ageed 39 yeares, and 
Elizabeth his wife ageed 31 yeares with 3 children Elizabeth 
John and Thomas and 4 sarvants Marey Alxarson aged 24 
yeares Anne Alxarson aged 20 yeares Bridgett Boulle aged 
32 yeares and Samuell Arres aged 14 yeares ar all desiroues 
to goe for Charles Towne in New England ther to inhabitt 
and remaine. 

April the 8 th 1637. The examinaction of Nicho. Busbie 
of Nowch in NorT weaver aged 50 yeares and Bridgett his 
wife aged 53 yeares with 4 children Nicho. John Abraham 
and Sarath ar desirous to goe to Boston in New England 
to inhabitt. 

Aprill the 8 th 1637. The examinaction of Michill Met- 
calfe * of Nowch donix weavear aged 45 yeares and Sarrah 
his wife aged 39 yeares with 8 children Michill Thomas 
Marey Sarrah Elizabeth Martha Joane and Rebeca and 
his sarvant Thomas Comberbach aged 16 yeares ar de- 
sirous to passe to Boston in New England to inhabitt. 

April the 8 th 1637. The examinaction of John Pers of 
Nowch in Noff weavear ageed 49 yeares and Elizabeth his 
wife aged 36 yeares with 4 children John Barbre Elizabeth 
and Judeth and one sarvant John Gedney aged 19 yeares 
are desirous to passe to Boston in New England to in- 
habitt. 

April the 8 lh 1637. The examinaction of William Lud- 
ken of Nowch in Noff Locksmith ther bone ageed 33 yeares 
and Elizabeth his wife ageed 34 yeares with one child and 
one sarvant Thomas Homes are desirous to goe to Boston 
in Newe England there to inhabitt and remaine. 

[April the 8th 1637.] [ ] of Nowch 

S - — - 

* This stout-hearted Puritan had, in the preceding year, made an attempt to get 
away from his thraldom under Bishop Wren, leaving wife and children behind. See 
his own account, published by Lamson in Note A. of his History of the First Church 
of Dedham, one of the most interesting of all our local tracts. A dornicks or dor- 
nock weaver I ascertained at Norwich to be the maker of gloves of woven fabric for 
use in cutting the coarse shrubs in that quarter called dornock. At first I had pre- 
sumed it was derived from Dornoch on the Frith of Dornoch in the northeast coast 
of Scotland. He says he brought nine children, so that one was born on the two 
months' passage, for he sailed 15 April from Yarmouth, and reached Boston, accord- 
ing to Winthrop, 20 June. 



More Gleanings for New England History. 97 

in NofF Cordwjnar aged 28 yeares and [. . . his wife aged 
. . yeares] with 4 children Samuell John Elizabeth and 
Debra [and 2 sarvants . . . .] aged 18 yeares and Anne 
Williames aged 15 yeares [ar desirous to passe fo New 
E]ngland to inhabitt. 

[April the 8 th 1637.] [ Fra]ncis Lawes 

bone in Nowch in NofF and thar living weavear aged [. . 
yeares and] Liddea his wife ageed 49 yeares with one child 
Marey and 2 sarvants Samuel Lincorne aged 18 yeares 
and Anne Smith aged 19 yeares ar desirous to pass fo New 
England to inhabitt. 

[April the 8 lh 1637.] The examinaction of William 
Nickerson of Nowch in NofF w T eavear ageed 33 yeares and 
Anne his wife aged 28 yeares with 4 children Nicho Rob- 
artt Elizabeth and Anne ar desirous to goe to Bostone in 
New England ther to inhabitt. 

April the 8 th 1637. The examinaction of Samuell Dix of 
Nowch in Noff joynar ageed 43 yeares and Joane his wife 
aged 38 yeares with 2 children Presella and Abegell and 2 
sarvantes William Storey and Daniell Linsey the one aged 
23 the other 18 yeares ar all desirous to pass to Boston in 
New England there to inhabitt. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Henry Sker- 
ry of great Yarmouth in the County of Noff Cordwynar 
ageed 31 yeares and Elizabeth his wife ageed 25 yeares 
with one child Henry and one aprentice Edmund Towne 
aged 18 yeares ar desirous to passe fo New England to in- 
habitt. 

Aprill the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of John Moul- 
ton of Ormsby in Noff husbandman aged 38 yeares and 
Anne his wife ageed 38 yeares with 5 children Henry 
Marey Anne Jane and Bridgett and 2 sarvants Adam 
Gooddens aged 20 yeares and Alles Eden aged 19 yers ar 
all desirous to passe to New England there to inhabitt and 
abide. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Marey Moul- 
ton of Ormsby in NofF wydow ageed 38 yeares and 2 sar- 
vants John Maston aged 20 yeares and Merrean Moulton 
ageed 23 yeares are desirous to goe to New England to in- 
habitt and dwell. 

April the ll lh 1637. The examinaction of Richard Car- 



93 More Gleanings for New England History. 

vear of Stratby in the County of Noff husbandman ageed 
60 yeares and Grace his wife ageed 40 yeares with 2 chil- 
dren Elizabeth ageed 18 years and Susanna aged 18 yeares 
being twynes mo r 3 sarvants Isacke Hart ageed 22 yeares 
and Thomas Flege aged 21 yeares and one Marable Un- 
derwood a mayd sarvant ageed 20 yeares goes all for New 
England to inhabitt and remaine. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examination of Ruth Moul- 
ton of Ormsby in Noff singlewoman ageed 20 yeares is 
desirous to passe for New England there to inhabitt and 
dwell. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Robertt Page 
of Ormsby in Noff husbandman ageed 33 yeares and Lucea 
his wife aged 30 yeares with 3 children Frances Margrett 
and Susanna and 2 sarvants William Moulton and Anne 
Wadd the one aged 20 yeres the other 15 yeares and are 
all desirous to passe fo New England to inhabitt and re- 
maine. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Henry Dowe 
of Ormsby in Noff husbandman ageed 29 yeares and Joane 
his wife ageed 30 yeares with 4 children and one sarvant 
Anne Mailing ageed 17 yeares are desirous to passe into 
New England to inhabitt. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Robertt [ . . 

aged . . yeares] singleman is desirous to passe 

[into New England to inhabitt]. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Ellen Roben- 

sone of [ aged . . yeares .... is] desirous 

to passe into New England ther to in[habitt]. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of William Wil- 
liames, of great Yam[outh in Noff. . . . aged] 40 yeares 
and Alles his wife ageed 38 yeares with 2 children [. . . . 

aged . . years and aged . . yeares] ar desirous 

to goe fo New England to inhabitt. 

April the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Elizabeth 
Williames of Yamouth in Noff singlewoman ageed 31 yeares 
is desirous to passe into New England ther to inhabitt and 
remaine. 

April the 12 lh 1637. The examinaction of Kathren 
Rabey of Yarmouth a wattermanes wydow ageed 68 yeares 
is desirous to passe into New England there to remaine 
with her sone. 



More Gleanings for New England History, 99 

Aprill the 12 th 1637. The examinaction of Richard 
Leeds of great Yamouth marrinar ageed 32 yeares and 
Joane his wife ageed 23 years with one child are desirous 
to passe fo New England and there to inhabitt and dwell. 

April the 12 lh 1637. The examinaction of Henry Smith 
of Newbucknam husbandman ageed 30 yeares and Eliza- 
beth his wife ageed 34 yeares with 2 children John and 
Sethe ar desirous to passe into New England to inhabitt. 

April the 13 th 1637. The examinaction of John Ropear 
of New Bucknam Carpentar ageed 26 yeares and Alles his 
wife ageed 23 yeares with 2 children Alles and Elizabeth 
are desirous to goe for New England there to remaine. 

[Thjese people went to New England with William 
Goose m r of the Marey Anne of Yarmouth. 

[May the 10 th ] 1637. The examinaction of Thomas 
Paine of Wrentom in SufFolck weavear ageed 50 yeares 
and Elizabeth his wife ageed 53 yeares with 6 children 
Thomas John Marey Elizabeth Dorethey and Sarah are 
desirous to goe for Salame in New England to inhabit. 

May the 10 th 1637. The examinaction of Margrett 
Neave of great Yarmouth in Noff wydow ageed 58 yeares 
and Rachell Dixson her grand child is desirous to passe 
into New England to inhabitt. 

May the 10 th 1637. The examinaction of Reniemen 
Cooper of Bramton in SufFolck husbandman ageed 50 
yeares and Elizabeth his wife ageed 48 yeares with 5 chil- 
dren Larwance Marey Rebeca Beniemen and Francis Fil- 
lingham his sone in lawe ageed 32 yeares allso his sister 
ageed 48 yeares and 2 sarvants John Filen and Feleaman 
Dickerson ar all desirous to goe for Salam in New Eng- 
land and there to inhabitt. 

May the 10 lh 1637. The examinaction of Abraham 
Toppan of Yarmouth Cooper aged 31 yeares and Susanna 
his wife ageed 30 yeares with 2 children Petter and Eliza- 
beth and one mayd sarvant Anne Goad in ageed 18 yeares 
are desirous to passe to New England to inhabitt. 

May the 10 th 1637. The examinaction of William 
Thomas of Great Comberton in Wostershire husbandman 
singleman ageed 26 yeares is desirous to passe to Exerden 
in New England to inhabitt. 

May the 10 th 1637. The examinaction of John Thurs- 



100 More Gleanings for New England History. 

ton of Wrentom in Suff Carpentar ageed 30 yeares and 
Margrett his wife ageed 32 jeares with 2 children Thomas 
and John ar desirous to passe to New England to inhabitt. 

May the 10 th 1637. The examinaction of Luce Poyett * 
of Nowch spinster ageed 23 yeares is desirous to passe 
into New England and there to remaine. 

May the 10 lh 1637. The examinaction of John Borowe 
of Yarmouth Cooper ageed 28 yeares and Anne his wife 
ageed 40 yeares is desirous to passe to Salam in New Eng- 
land and ther to inhabitt. 

May the 1 1 th 1637. The examinaction of William Gault 
of Yarmouth Cordwynar singleman aged 29 yeares is de- 
sirous to passe to New England and there to remaine. 

May the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Joane Amesf 
of Yarmouth wydow ageed 50 yeares with 3 children Ruth 
ageed 18 yeares William and John are desirous to passe for 
New England and there to inhabitt and remaine. 

May the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of Augsten Ca[. . 
. . of . . . ageed . . yeares and] Alles his wife ageed 40 

yeares [with are] desirous to goe to Salam in 

New E[ngland to inhabitt]. 

May the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of John Darrell 
of [ . . . . singleman aged . . years is desirous to] passe 
into Salam in New England and the[re to remaine]. 

May the 11 th 1637. The examinaction of John Gedney 
of Norwch in Norff [. . . . aged . . yeares is desirous] to 
passe fo New England with his wife Sarah ageed 25 
yeares [3 children] Ledia Hanah and John mo. 2 sarvantes 

* I drew the attention of Mr. Hunter to this unusual surname. All the other pas- 
sengers from Norwich, it will be observed, declare their destination to be for Salem, 
and there we should, naturally, first look for the dwelling of this spinster. In the 
list of freemen for 1647 appears Tho. Poget, and a strong similarity might influence 
our decision on the probability of relationship ; but we know not his residence, and the 
interval of years is adverse to such a presumption. Among the church-members at 
Salem is found in Felt's list, so early as 1639, Lucy Page, who is much more likely to 
have been this passenger, in the Mary Ann, of 1637. But a close inspection of the 
record may not confirm the probability. We know not the name among our early 
settlers. In his reply, last October, our friend, on collation of the original anew, 
writes: — "Luce Poyett is according to the original. But as we know the place 
where she had lived, and the name is one of very rare occurrence, I have ascer- 
tained that there were people of the name living in those times at Norwich. In the 
40th of Elizabeth and the 41st a Clement Poyet was assessed on £5 goods in the 
parish of St. Peter Mancroft, city of Norwich ; and this, I think, leaves no doubt 
that Poyett is the real name of the emigrant. I do not remember to have seen the 
name on any other occasion." 

t Neither the time nor the ship in which the widow of the famous author of the 
Medulla Theologies came to our country was before ascertained. 



More Gleanings for New England History. 101 

William Walker ageed [ . . jeares and . . . . ] Burges 
ageed 26 jeares ar desirous to passe fo Salam. 

May the 11 th 1637. The examination of Samuell Arres 
of Nowch an aprintes ageed 15 jeares is desirous to pass 
into New England to his m r John Baker as he had apointed 
him. 

The examinaction of John Yonge of St. Margretts Suff 
minister ageed 35 jeares and Joan his wife ageed 34 jeares 
with 6 children John Tho Anne Rachell Marej and Jo- 
sueph are desirous to passe fo Salam in New England to 
inhabitt. 

This man was forbjden passage bj the Commission™ 
and went not from Yramouth.* 

^Maj the 12 th 1637. The examinaction of Samuell 
Grenfild of Norw ch weaver ageed 27 jeares and Barbrej 
his wife ageed 35 jeares with two children Marej and Bar- 
brej and John Teed his sarvant ageed 19 jeares ar all de- 
sirous to passe into New England to inhabitt. 

Maj the 12 th 1637. The examinaction of Thomas 
Joanes of Elzing in NofF buchar singleman ageed 25 jeres 
is desirous to passe into New England and there to re- 
maine. 

Maj the 13 th 1637. The examinaction of Thomas Olti- 
verf of Nowch Calender ageed 36 jeares and Marj his 
wife ageed 34 jeares with 2 children Tho and John and 2 
sarvants Thomas Doged aged 30 jeares and Marej Sape 
ageed 12 jeares ar desirous to passe for New England to 
inhabit. 

Maj the 15 th 1637. The examinaction of William Cock- 
ram of Southold in SufF Marcear ageed 28 jeares and 
Christen his wife ageed 26 jeares with 2 children and 2 
sarvantes desirous to passe fo New England to inhabitt. 

22 February, 1851. 



* If any illustration of the folly of such restriction were needed, we should find 
it in the fact, that this minister came three years later, when the spirit of English 
liberty had swept away the petty tyranny of Laud. He was the first minister of 
Southold, L. I., and in that part of the Empire State the family has long been dis- 
tinguished. 

t We must distinguish this person from the Boston gentleman who had come five 
years before. This emigrant sat down at Salem, and his wife disturbed the church 
for a succession of years. 

4th s. — vol. i. 13 



WADSWORTH'S JOURNAL. 



In August, 1694, Rev. Benjamin Wadsworth of Boston attended the 
Commissioners of Massachusetts, who met with others, at Albany, to 
treat with the " Five Nations." Of this tour, Mr. Wadsworth kept a 
journal, in his pocket-book, of which the following is a literal copy. 

Lucius R. Paige. 

Cambridge, April, 1851. 



Captain Sewal and Major Townsend, being commission'd 
to treat with y e Mockways, set out from Boston about halfe 
an hour past 12 Moonday August 6, 1694. Several Gen- 
tlemen did accompany y m to Watertown and then returned. 
At Watertown, we met with Livetenant Hammond and 
thirty troopers, who were appointed for a guard to Spring- 
field. We came to our first stage, at Malberough, about 
halfe an hour past eight in the evening. We lodged at 
Abraham How 5 s, and thence set forward y e next morn- 
ing about halfe an hour past seven of y e clock. Y r was 
nothing remarkable this day, but only Mr. Dwite of Hat- 
ford did accidentally fall into our company, and after the 
same manner, scil. accidentally, he and his horse both to- 
gether fell into a brook ; but both rose again without dam- 
age. This day we din'd in y e woods. Pleasant descants 
were made upon y e dining room : it was said y l it was 
large, high, curiously hung with green ; our dining place 
was also accomodated with y e pleasancy of a murmuring 
rivulet. This day, some of our company saw a bear ; but 
being near a thick swamp, he escaped our pursuit. To- 
wards night, we heard (I think) 3 guns ; but we knew 



WadswortWs Journal. 103 

not who shot them. Our whole company come this day to 
Quaboag, about sundown, not long before nor after ; here 
we lodged this night. Y e next day, August 8 th , we set out 
from Quaboag, about six of y e clock, and came to Spring- 
field at two or three of y e clock in y e afternoon. This night 
we went over to Westfeild, and y e next morning, about 
halfe an hour past 8, we set outt from thence toward Al- 
bany, the nearest way thro y e woods, being accompanied 
with Collonel Pinchon, in commission with Cap. Sewal and 
Major Townsend, by y e Council of y e Province of y e Mas- 
sachusets Bay, and Collonel Allen and Captain Stanley, 
Commissioners for Conneticutt Colony. For a guard, we 
had with us Cap. Wadsworth of Harford, and with him 
60 Dragoons. This day we traveled thro y e woods, about 

24 or 25 miles, and might in an ordinary way have gone 
much farther, but y l Collonel Allen was very much indis- 
pos'd by reason of a great pain in his back, which occa- 
sion'd his frequent dismounting and resting. Y e road 
which we travelled, this day, was very woody, rocky, 
mountanous, swampy ; extream bad riding it was. I never 
yet saw so bad travelling as this was. We took up our 
quarters, this night, by y e side of a river, about a quarter 
past 5. We had a little hutt built for us, with pine-bows, 
under which we lodg'd very comfortably. We had some 
curious descants made upon our buildings, lodgings, and 
entertainment ; one, lying some small distance from the 
fire, was said to ly out of doors. Y e next morning, it was 
queried whether y e house should be pulled down or sold. 
On this morning, we set out from our green lodgings to- 
wards Albany, about sunrise or a little after. Collonel 
Allen being very ill, we were hindered in our journeyings 
upon y e account y r of, and so travelled this day but about 

25 miles, and took up our lodgings, about sundown, in y e 
woods, at a place called Ousetoiiuck, formerly inhabited by 
Indians. Thro this place runs a very curious river, the 
same (which some say) runs thro Stradford ; and it has, 
on each side, several parcels of pleasant, fertile, intervale 
land. In the morning, two of our souldiers could not find 
y r horses, and were y r fore left a while behind, at our night 
quarters, with about a dozen or more other souldiers w th 
y m ; but, not finding y r horses, y y quickly came after us, 



104 WadswortWs Journal. 

and overtook us. This day, Cap. Wadsworth had his leg 
very much hurt, by his horse falling upon it. Y e greatest 
part of our road, this day, was a hidious, howling wilder- 
ness ; some part of y e road was not so extream bad. This 
day we met a negro coming from Albany ; but being very 
suspicious, we took him back with us, and y l night y y pin- 
ion'd him ; but yet, before morning, he was gone, and we 
saw him no more. Tho we saw him no more, yet we 
thought of him ; for he stool a sword and gun, and escaped 
y r with. Y e next morning, Aug. 11, we set forward about 
sunrise, and came, y e foremost of us, to Kindarhook about 3 
of y e clock ; y J rest, which were hindered in their motion 
by reason of Collonel Allen's being not well, came to us 
about 2 or 3 hours after. Here we took up our quarters at 
y e house of one John Tison. Here we keept y e Sabbath ; 
and y y having no minister, we had y e libertie of using y r 
meeting house. In this place y r is very rich land ; a curious 
river runs thro the town, on y e banks of which y r is some 
interval land. Y r are not many inhabitants ; I think y y say 
but twenty families, or thereabouts, at most. Y e houses 
are in three parcels in this town ; and y r are two forts, one 
whereof I saw. Provisions were here very scarce ; eggs, 
twelve pence a score ; lambs, twelve shillings a piece, &c. 
On Munday morning, Aug. 13, we set out for Albany, and 
having rode about 20 miles thro a pine plane, we came to 
Green bush, about twelve of y e clock, or a little more. 

Recollections. Our two souldiers lost y r horses, on Thors- 
day night, Aug. 9 ; we took y e negro on Friday, Aug. 10 ; 
y e night following, he made his escape ; y e sword, which it 
was thought he stole, was afterward found, but not y e gun. 
When we came to Albany, we understood y l this negro 
had been a souldier there and had run away from thence. 
When we came to Kindar-hook, on Saturday, Mr. Cambel 
and Mr. Roberts, gentlemen which came with us from 
Boston, were willing to get to Albany y l night ; where- 
upon y y two and y y only set forward on y r journey; but, 
missing y r way, and Mr. Roberts's horse getting from him, 
y y lay in y e woods y l night, which was a very stormy, 
rainy night, but y e next morning got easily to Greenbush, 
and sent out men who found Mr. Roberts's horse and 
brought him back. 



Wadsworth's Journal. 105 

But to go on. Munday, Aug. 13, about twelve of y e 
clock, or a little more, our whole company came to Green- 
bush, a place so called from those pine-wooods thro which 
we rode this day. This is but a smal place, consisting 
of only a few farm-houses. It lies on y e east side of Hod- 
son's river, opposite to y e city of Albany, only about halfe 
a mile below it. Here we left our horses ; and crossing y e 
river, we entered into y e town or city of Albany, which is 
a small place, about 150 miles from New-York. Y e town 
itselfe, tho smal, is yet very compact'; it is allmost quad- 
rangular, tho y e fortification, which dos surround it, is rather 
triangular. Y e east side of y e town lies close upon y e west 
side of Hodson's river ; so close, y l in some places y e water 
touches y e fortification, and is nowhere distant from it above 
two or three rod, or y r abouts. Y e town is incompass'd 
with a fortification, consisting of pine-logs, y e most of y m a 
foot thro, or more ; y y are hewed on two sides and set 
close together, standing about 8 or 10 foot above ground, 
sharpened at y e tops. There are 6 gates ; 2 of y m east to 
y e river, 3 north, one south ; y r are five block-houses ; 2 
north, by two of y e foremention'd gates, and 3 south. Y e 
town, especially y e west side of it, lies upon y e ascent of a 
hill ; y e fortification, as was before mention'd, is somewhat 
triangular, and ends, as it were, in a point, at y e top of y e 
hill. On y e top of this hill stands y e fort, in which are four 
flankers ; y e northwest flanker is built with stone ; y e rest 
with wood. In this fort y r are 15 or 16 great guns mount- 
ed. This fort stands so commodiously, y l it can command 
y e whole town, and all y l part of y e river which is near it, 
and also y e adjacent hills and vacant land without y e town 
westward. In my opinion, yf town seems to be well scitu- 
ate for defence. In y e town y r are three streets of a con- 
siderable breadth and streightness ; two of y m run parallel 
with y 6 river, scil. N. and South ; y e 3d comes directly 
from y 6 fort down to y e lowermost of y e two former streets ; 
and where these two streets do thus meet, stands their 
Church. Y e houses are built generally low ; but very few 
of y m have an upright chamber ; y e lower rooms are built 
very high : y e houses are generally cover'd with tile ; and 
many of y e houses y m selves built with brick. Above y e 
town, up y e river, are scattering houses, for a mile or more ; 



106 WadswortWs Journal. 

some of y m are deserted, for fear of y e enimie ; y r are some 
houses upon y e river, below y e town. About halfe a mile 
below y e town lies an Island, called Rensler's Island, con- 
taining about 160 acrees of good, level, fertile, arable land ; 
a very curious farm it is. 

The day appointed for y e treaty with y e 5 Nations of y e 
Indians, scil. y e Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages, Cayouges, 
and Sennekes, was y e 15 of Aug. 1694 ; and accordingly 
His Excellency y e Governour of York, with five of his 
Council, scil. Collonel Bayard, Coll. William Smith, Coll. 
Step. Van Cortland, Chidley Brook Esq r ., Major Peter 
Schuyler ; Coll. Andrew Hamilton, Governour of New- 
Jersays ; and Coll. John Pinchon, Cap. Samuel Sewel, Ma- 
jor Penn Townsend, Commissioners for their Majesties 
Province of y e Massachusets ; and Coll. John Allen, Cap. 
Caleb Stanley, Commissioners for their Majesties Colonie 
of Conneticutt ; these being all present together at Albany, 
they did on y e foremention'd 15 of Aug. 1694, begin their 
treaty with 25 Sachims from y e 5 forementioned nations. 
The treaty was held in y e street, y l runs East and W., a 
little above the meeting-house. Y e Sachims were attended 
with many other Indians. When y y came to y e place 
where y e treaty was held, they came two in a rank, Rode, 
y e Sachim of y e Maquase being y e leader, singing all y e way 
songs of joy and peace. So, likewise, when y y were sat 
down, they sang two or three songs of peace, before they 
began y e treaty. Nothing was said in this treaty, for y e 
first three days, scil. 15, 16, 17, of Aug., but what was said 
by y e Indians : y e treaty was finish'd Aug. 22. 

Provisions are here very scarce and dear ; a quarter of 
mutton, 6 shillings ; a tankard of here, 9 pence ; a bottle 
of wine, 2 shillings. In this place, and so throughout this 
Province, pieces of eight pass for 6 shillings and 9 pence ; 
rials pas for 9 pence. If a piece of eight be plugged, it 
will not pass. This law was made, least money should be 
adulterated. 

We keept y e Sabbath, Aug. 19, 1694. There was but 
one meeting house in y e town. Four sermons were 
preached in it ; y e 1 and 3d were preached by Domine 
Dellius, in Dutch ; y e second and 4th were preached in 
English, y e former by Mr. Joshuah Hubbard, (who came 






WadswortWs Journal. 107 

to Albany to see his son, who was a Livetenant there,) y e 
latter by myselfe, out of 12 Rom. 1. His Excellencie's 
Chaplain, Mr. Millar, read Common Prayer before each of 
y e English sermons, tho neither of y e English ministers who 
preached were present at y e same. 

We left Albany, Wenesday, Aug. 22. This morning 
his Excellency, accompanied with several gentlemen, and 
attended with a Troop of Dragoons, went to Skenekdedie, 
and design'd to return y e same day. We were accom- 
panied with several gentlemen from Albany to Green bush ; 
and, being mounted, we set out from Greenbush," a little 
after twelve of y e clock, towards Kindarhook. We left 
Mr. Cambal at Albany, who design'd for York, and thence 
to Boston. One of y e souldiers which w r ent to Albany 
with us was left there, when we left y e place, he being out 
of y e w r ay and not to be found ; his horse and gun (if not 
sword) w r ere taken home along with y e company. As we 
w r ere this day travelling from Greenbush to Kindarhook, y e 
company came to a halt, by reason of Cap. Stanley's being 
not well, but Major Townsend and myselfe rode on before ; 
but when we came within a mile of Kindarhook, or there- 
abouts, w r e miss'd y e way, and rode in a wrong path (I be- 
lieve) about two miles ; but finding ourselves out of y e right 
way, we returned back, and easily found where our error 
begun, and then amended it. While we were out of our 
way, we were in 'a smart shower. 1 will not say what 
descants were made upon our missing our way. This 
night we lodg'd at Kindarhook ; tho when we set out from 
Greenbush, we design'd to reach unto Clauvrick, which is 
about 12 English miles from y e place where we lodg'd. 
Y e next morning, we set out and came to Clauvrick before 
10 of y e clock. It was indifferent good travelling from 
Kindarhook to Clauvrick, which is a small place, contain- 
ing only a few scattering farm-houses. There is one fort 
in this place. When we w T ent from this place, some part 
of our troop missed their way, and so parted from y e rest ; 
but they met within a few miles again, and there we 
baited. Tis about 20 miles from Clauvrick to Turconnick ; 
y e way is generally good, being all of it waggon way ; 
there are some bad swamps in this way, several bad 
bridges, one bad hill ; y e land seems to be good ; tis well 



108 Wandsworth? s Journal. 

cloth'd with a young growth of wood, especially white- 
oake. About 2 mile from Turconnick, we left a smal 
pond on y e left hand : a little farther, we left another on 
y e right hand ; about a mile farther, another on y e left hand. 
At Turconnick, (which is a very stately farm of Mr. Levi- 
stone's,) we baited, and refreshed horse and man ; and 
thence, taking a pilot, we rode about 12 or 14 miles y l 
night. All this way, we had .on our left hand a hideous 
high mountain ; it had but little wood ; it seem'd to be a 
continu'd rock. We dismounted about sun-down, and 
took our lodging in y e woods. Y e next morning, Aug. 26, 
we mounted, near 2 houres before sun-rise ; when we had 
rode awhile, we passed by a long pond on the left hand. 
About noon, or a little after, we came to Ten-mile river, 
which was not deep, but had a very stony bottom. Before 
we came to this river, about a mile or rather more, we met 
with a boggy meddow, where several horses were mired ; 
but we, going some thing about to y e right, found a good 
passage. Before we went halfe a mile farther, we met 
with a little greenhil, which, tho narrow, was as miry as 
y e other ; but going a little to y e right, we found a good 
way. After we were over the river, w T e went over a very 
high, long, tedious hill. Ten-mile river (called so from its 
distance from Wyantenuck) runs into Wyantenuck river, 
by y e side of which we rode, (I believe,) 6 or 7 miles, and 
then passed y e same, a little after sundown. We were 
but about 20 y l passed y e river, having left Collonel Allen 
(not being able to ride so fast) and y e rest of y e company, 
a little while after we passed Ten-mile river. We rode 
thro very good land, this day ; some intervale by y e side of 
y e river. Wyantenuck river is y e same y x passeth thro 
Ousetonnuck ; it is Stratford river also. Tho it was past 
sundown when we passed y e river, yet we went to Wood- 
berry before we slept, which is counted a dozen or fourteen 
mile ; y e way was very bad ; it was a moonshiny night ; 
y° pilot lost y e way once or twice, but found it again soon. 
This night we baited at a smal river, called 5 mile river, 
being accounted so far from Woodberry. About halfe an 
hour past 2, this night, we came to Woodberry; some 
count it 60, some 70, miles from Woodberry to Tur- 
conneck. A little after 12, we set out from Woodberry, 



Wadswortlv } s Journal. 109 

having seen Coll. Allen and y e rest of y c company, who 
came up to us a little before we left the town ; but tho 
they come up with us, yet we left y m there, they design- 
ing no farther y n Waterberry y l night, were y y did accord- 
ingly lodge. Wood berry is a smal town, y e houses scatter- 
ing ; it consists of about 43 families ; a smal river runs 
thro y e town, which sometimes riseth extreamly. We 
came, this day to Mattebedi^ &lias> Waterbery, being about 
8 or 10 miles from y e foremention'd town ; tis a very bad 
road between these two towns. A smal river (whereon y r 
is some intervale land) runs thro Waterberry, which is a 
smal town, tho very compact ; it consists of 25 families : 
Mr. Peck is their minister ; y y have a new meeting house, 
tho not finished. From hence we set out, late in the day, 
towards Farmington, distant about 18 miles. In passing 
betwen these two towns, we rode over two plains, very 
even, curious, and pleasant ; y e first about 2, y e 2 nd about 
5 miles long. We come into Farmington about 10 of y e 
clock at night, and keept y e Sabbath there y e next day, 
being Aug. 26. Mr. Hooker preached in y e forenoon, and 
Mr. Thomas Buckingham of Harford in y e afternoon. 
Hem e we set out to Harford, on Munday, and went no 
farther y l day. Coll. Allen and company came to Farming- 
ton within a quarter of an hour after we left it, and came 
to Harford about 3 or 4 of y e clock, and tarried there y l 
night and y e next day, and set out from thence on Wenes- 
day Aug. 29 ; y l day we came to Woodstock, which is 
commonly called New-Roxbury. We had for our guard, 
this day, six troopers from Harford ; y e road (excepting 
about 12 or 14 miles in the morning, till we came to y e 
mountains) was very rocky, bushy, in many places miry ; 
e were not troubled with many mountains and hills ; 
ut tho our road was bad and long, being counted about 
miles, yet we came to Woodstock about 8 of y e clock, 
^t this place, we parted with our guard, y e next morning, 
md took with us 4 men from Woodstock as far as Men- 
Ion ; there we left y m , and went to Medfeild y e same 
light; we got theither about 10 of y e clock at night; y e 
Lext day, Aug. 31, we got to Boston, about 12 of the 
tlock. 

Such was y e peculiar hand of Providence over us, this 
4th s. — vol. i. 14 



110 Wa&swortWs Journal. 

long and hazardous journey, y l neither man nor beast had 
any broken bone, nor bruise y l was dagerous. Such were 
y e smiles of Providence, y l we were never hindered in our 
journey by bad wheather ; but on the contrary, y e seasons 
were almost as comfortable as we could have wished for. 
We rode part of sixteen days, and had but one small 
shower all the while, altho we had very plentifull showers 
when at our stages, scil. Kindarhook, Albany, Harford. 
We went out y e 6 of Aug. 1694, and returned y e 31 of y e 
same month. 



[The following "Memoir of Rev. John Robinson," which has just issued from 
the London press, is with great pleasure introduced into our Collections, as giving, if 
not new facts, a continuous detail of scattered particulars respecting one, to whom 
it is gratifying to see honor given in both England and America. 

The Memoir is connected with a publication of "The Works of John Robinson, 
Pastor of the Pilgrim Fathers," in three volumes, large 12mo, of about 500 pages 
each, edited, with much care, "by Robert Ashton, Secretary of the Congregational 
Board, London " ; who mentions in the Preface, that " one tract only appears to be 
wanting, entitled ' Manumission.' " That tract we are enabled to supply, by the 
kindness of Mr. Charles Deane, a Member of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- 
ety, who fortunately is possessed of a copy, with one also of the tract that produced 
it, and of the rejoinder that followed. These two have been, on good grounds as 
we conceive, ascribed to Dr. William Ames. 

The respected English editor will, we trust, receive with pleasure the missing 
tract, and regard our republication of his " Memoir " as practically advertising the 
collection of Robinson's Works to our community, — a community which, we hope, 
will recognize the claims of the Pilgrim Fathers on their posterity and countrymen, 
and hail and encourage the reappearance of their valuable writings. 

In these republications, it is hardly necessary to say that the Publishing Commit- 
tee hold themselves responsible neither for facts nor sentiments adduced by the 
writers; but only for a faithful transcript. In Robinson's tract, the orthography, as 
in the English edition of his Works, is modernized. — Eds-.] 






MEMOIR OF REV. JOHN ROBINSON. 

By the Rev. ROBERT ASHTON, 

SECRETARY OF THE CONGREGATIONAL BOARD, LONDON. 



CONTENTS. 



SECTION I. 

MR. ROBINSON A PURITAN IN NORFOLK. 

(1575-1604.) 

PAGE 

Mr. Robinson's Birth. — Goes to Cambridge. — Enters Corpus Christi College? 

— Masters's and Lamb's References. — Puritan Excitement. — Attends 
Rev. W.Perkins's Ministry. — Proceeds to Norfolk. — Preaches as a Puri- 
tan. — Is suspended. — Retires to .Norwich. — Collects a Congregation. — 
Mental Perplexities. — Applies for Mastership of Hospital. — Unsuccessful. 

— Becomes a Separatist. — Hall's Insinuations refuted. — Leaves .Norwich. 112 

SECTION II. 

MR. ROBINSON A SEPARATIST AT SCROOBY. 

(1604-1608.) 

Mr. Robinson resigns his Fellowship. — Moral Courage. — Goes to the Separat- 
ists in Lincolnshire. — Church formed there. — Smyth and Clyfton, Pastors. 

— The Church divides. — Mr. Smyth retires with one part to Holland. — 
Mr. Clyfton remains. — Mr. Robinson joins the Church. — Where did this 
Church assemble. — Scrooby. — Mr. Hunter's Investigations. — Brewster's 
Manor. — Rigorous Proceedings of Bishops. — Clyfton goes to Holland — 
Mr. Robinson becomes sole Minister — Efforts at Expatriation. — Boston. 

— Grimsby. — Reach Holland. — Settle at Amsterdam 117 

SECTION III. 

MR. ROBINSON AN EXILE AT AMSTERDAM. 
(1608, 1609.) 

Mr. Robinson arrives at, 1608. — United with Johnson and Ainsworth's Church. 

— Temporal Difficulties. — Seeks Secular Employment. — Johnson's Church 
distracted. — Smyth's Division, — and others follow. — Robinson retires to 
Ley den for Peace in 1609 122 



112 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

SECTION IV. 

MR. ROBINSON A PASTOR AT LEYDEN. 

(1608-1625.) 

Mr. Robinson seeks a Place for Worship. — His own House — No Public 
Building. — Scottish Church at Leyden. — Mr. Robinson's Ordination. — 
Labors. — Becomes a Member of the University. — Controversies between 
Arminians and Calvinists. — Mr. Robinson a Calvinist. — Holds Public Dis- 
putations. — Synod of Dort. — Decrees. — Ejectment of Arminian Clergy. — 
Execution of Barneveldt. — Robinson not a Partisan. — Becomes an Author. 

— Wants Scope for Exertion. — Meditates Removal where the Gospel may 
be spread. — Consults the Church on exiling themselves to Virginia. — Ap- 
proval. — Measures adopted. — Dutch anxious to retain them. — Carver and 
Cushman proceed to England. — Confer with Virginia Company. — Difficul- 
ties in the Way. — Success. — Election of first Emigrants. — Speedwell and 
Mayflower. — Conditions imposed by Merchant Adventurers. ■ — Farewell 
Sermon. — Departure to Southampton. — Parting Letter. — Embarked. — 
Difficulties. — Leave Plymouth in Mayflower only. — Voyage. — Arrival at 
Cape Cod. — Debark at Plymouth Rock. — Return of Mayflower. — Letters. 

— Mr. Robinson remains at Leyden. — Sickness. — Dies March 1,1625. — 
Funeral. — Grave. — Tidings sent to Leyden 124 

SECTION V. 

MR. ROBINSON : HIS CHARACTER AND WRITINGS. 

Bradford's Description. — Hoornbeek. — Baylie. — A Man of God. — Scholar 
and Christian. — Supreme Love to God's Word. — Docility. — Candor. — 
Conscientiousness. — Puritan. — Separatist and Exile. — Not quite sound on 
Liberty. — Prediction. — Extension of Congregationalism. .... 159 



SECTION I. 

MR. ROBINSON A PURITAN IN NORFOLK. 

(1575- 1604.) 

No complete Life of Mr. Robinson was written by any 
of his contemporaries. Numerous references are made to 
his history and character in the writings both of friends 
and foes. To collect, compare, and harmonize these scat- 
tered statements and allusions have occasioned his modern 
biographers no little difficulty. The means of furnishing 
a perfect Life are not extant. The present Memoir con- 
tains all that can be learned respecting Mr. Robinson : it 
elucidates some points hitherto left in obscurity, and sup- 
plies some additional information inaccessible to former 
historians. 

The parentage, education, youthful predilections, and ex- 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 113 

ploits of a distinguished man, are important to be known. 
They give an interest and specificness to his biography, 
and take it out of the mere generalizations of an every-day 
memoir. Unhappily, none of these things can be learned 
respecting Mr. Robinson. He was born in 1575. He 
first appears to our view as a youth of seventeen, having 
finished his home-studies, and about to matriculate at 
Cambridge. He came hither out of the Midland Coun- 
ties ; whether from Lincolnshire or Nottinghamshire is 
undetermined ; the preponderance of evidence is in favor 
of the former. Joseph Hall, afterwards Bishop of Nor- 
wich, who appears to have known him intimately, having 
been his contemporary at college, and who became the 
antagonist of Robinson, states that " Lincolnshire was his 
county." He graduated at Cambridge. Two colleges in 
the University present nearly equal claims to have been 
his alma mater. 

Emanuel College is generally considered to have been 
the home of his student life. The following entry occurs 
in the register of the College : — 

" John Robinson, entered as sizar, March 2nd, 1592; 
took his M. A. 1600, and B. D. 1607." 

This latter date renders his connection with Emanuel 
College more than doubtful. He had become a Separatist 
before 1607, and was then the pastor of the mother Church 
of the Pilgrims in Nottinghamshire. Having renounced 
the Established Church, he disclaimed her honors as well 
as her emoluments ; and it is not probable that he w T ould 
seek literary distinction at her hands, even if it were pos- 
sible to obtain it under such circumstances. 

The Corpus Christi College register exhibits a record 
which appears to identify Mr. Robinson, of Leyden, with 
her alumnt .* ■ 

"John Robinson, F. Lincsh., admitted 1592. Fell. 1598." 

The Rev. Richard Masters published, in 1749, a history 
of this College, and gives a list of all its members from its 
foundation, in which a similar entry to the above also oc- 
curs, and to which he appends a note, intimating his belief 
that this was the Robinson who had been beneficed near 
Yarmouth, but, on being prosecuted by the ecclesiastical 



114 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 



courts, had fled to Leyden and set up a congregation upon 
the mode! of the Brownists.* 

Entering the University at the early age of seventeen, 
his religious opinions could scarcely have been formed, nor 
could he have had very definite views respecting the work 
of the ministry. The time he was at Cambridge was one 
of considerable religious excitement. Several zealous 
Puritan clergymen preached at St. Mary's and other 
churches. Their evangelical preaching gave great offence 
to the authorities of the University. But the most distin- 
guished Puritan there was the Rev. William Perkins, who 
was public catechist of Corpus Christi, and whose duty it 
was " to read a lecture every Thursday in the term, on 
some useful subject of Divinity" ; he preached also at St. 
Andrew's Church, and attracted multitudes of persons from 
the town, the University, and surrounding neighborhood, 
by his faithful, earnest, and spirit-stirring discourses. As 
Mr. Robinson states that his "personal conversion " was 
effected in the Church of England, it is no improbable 
supposition that the faithful and zealous labors of Mr. 
Perkins, the catechist of his College, and under whose 
ministry he sat, were the means of his spiritual illumina- 
tion and conversion.! His subsequent writings testify that 
he held Mr.. Perkins in the highest esteem; he used his 
tutor's " Catechism on the Foundation of Religion," in 
the instruction of the youth of his own congregation: he 
moreover published another catechism on Church Princi- 
ples, as an appendix to that of his v/enerable friend. J 

Having completed his terms at the University, Mr. 



* The Rev. Dr. Lamb, Master of Corpus Christi, in his edition of Masters's work, 
"with additional matter and a continuation to the present time, 1831," gives two 
entries respecting this John Robinson, which more fully describe his University 
honors, but substitute " Nottinghamshire " for " Lincolnshire." The reason of such 
variation from the register and Masters is not given. 

Dr. Lamb's reference to Robinson among the fellows of the College is as follows: 

" 1598. Robinson, John, M. A., Nottinghamshire, succeeded Mr. Morley. He 
resigned his fellowship, 1604." 

In the General List of Members of the College, according to the order of admis- 
sion, Dr. Lamb's entry is the following: — 

" "Robinson, John, Notts. Admitted 1592, M. A. 1599." t 

t Vide A Manudiction for Mr. Robinson, &c., &c, supposed to be written by the 
Rev. William Bradshaw, author of the "Unreasonableness of Separation," &c, 4to, 
1614. 

% Vide. A Catechism, [Works,] Vol. III. pp. 421-436. 

t The asterisk (*) distinguishes the fellows of the College. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 115 

Robinson proceeded to Norfolk, and in the neighborhood 
of Norwich began his ministerial labors. He was at first 
a Puritan only, and hence officiated awhile in the National 
Church. His scruples respecting the ceremonies and the 
vestments were strong and lasting ; and, omitting or modi- 
fying them in his services, he was subject to annoyances 
and persecution from the ecclesiastical authorities, and was 
temporarily suspended from his clerical functions. The 
parish in which he labored has not been ascertained.* 

It is doubtful, from Joseph Hall's testimony, in his 
" Common Apology for the Church of England," whether 
Mr. Robinson was ever fully inducted into a " living " ; his 
conscientious scruples preventing his submission to the reg- 
ulations necessary for " full orders." On being suspended 
by the Bishop, he retired to Norwich, where he collected a 
congregation of Puritan worshippers in that city and from 
the surrounding neighborhood, many of whom were sub- 
ject to fines and imprisonment for attending his faithful 
and affectionate instructions. f 

His attachment to his Norwich friends remained unabat- 
ed through life. After the lapse of twenty years, when 
residing at Leyden, on learning that the Rev. Mr. Yates of 



* Joseph Hunter, Esq., F. S. A., having suggested, in his valifable tract entitled 
"Collections concerning the Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth, the 
first Colonists of New England," that Mundham, Norfolk, might have been his 
parochial cure, as Blomfieid, the historian of Norfolk, states that a Mr. Robinson 
was incumbent there about the titne, inquiry has been made at Mundham, and the 
parochial register examined. Regular entries are made from 1595 to 161:2, but, as they 
are without signatures, they cannot furnish any evidence respecting Mr. Robinson's 
incumbency. But from the records of the Corporation of Norwich, and from the 
consignation or visitation book in the Bishop's Register Office in that city, it appears 
the Rev. Robert Robinson, and his son of the same name, were respectively incum- 
bents from 1595 to 1608. The question, therefore, of John Robinson's connection 
with Mundham is finally settled in the negative. 

t Mr. Ainsworth, in his " Counterpoyson," incidentally alludes to Mr. Robinson's 
labors in Norwich, and the hazard incurred by the people in attending thereon. 
Addressing himself to Mr. Crashaw, to whose sermons he was replying, he says: 
" If any among you, not meddling with the public estate of your church, but feeling 
or fearing his own particular soul-sickness, do resort to a physician, whose receipts 
are not after the common sort, for advice about his health, or of friendship and ac- 
quaintance to see him. he is subject to the censure and thunderbolt of your church. 
Witness the late practice in Norwich, where certain citizens were excommunicated 
for resorting unto and praying with Mr. Robinson, a man worthily reverenced of all 
the city for the grace of God in him, as yourself, also, I suppose, will acknowledge, 
and to whom the cure and charge of their souls was erewhile committed. Would 
any unmerciful man have dealt so with his bond-slave in a case of bodily sickness ? 
But hereby all may see what small hope there is of curing the canker of your 
church." — Ainsworth's Counterpoyson ; or, an Answer to Mr. Crashaw's Four 
Questions propounded in his Sermon preached at the Crosse, Feb. 14, 1607, p. 145. 



116 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson, 

that city, a good man, but Puritan Conformist, had circu- 
lated a tract, denouncing lay preaching, he wrote a treatise 
in refutation, for their special benefit, entitled, " The Peo- 
ple's Plea for the Exercise of Prophecy," the preface to 
which evinces his undiminished regard for his former 
charge, and his deep solicitude for their spiritual benefit.* 

During his residence at Norwich, his mind was still agi- 
tated and perplexed respecting his duty in relation to the 
Church. A passage in his reply to Mr. Bernard exhibits 
the mental struggles through which he passed at this event- 
ful period of his history. 

" I do indeed confess, to the glory of God and my own 
shame, that a long time before I entered this way [of 
separation], I took some taste of the truth in it by some 
treatises published in justification of it, which, the Lord 
knoweth, were sweet as honey to my mouth ; and the very 
principal thing, which, for the time, quenched all further 
appetite in me, was the over-valuation which I made of the 
learning and holiness of these and the like persons [the 
Evangelical Puritans], blushing in myself to have a thought 
of pressing one hair-breadth before them in this thing, be- 
hind whom I knew myself to come so many miles in all 
other things. Yea, and even of late times, when I had 
entered into a more serious consideration of these things, 
and, according to the measure of the grace received, 
searched the Scriptures whether they were so or not, and 
by searching found much light of truth, yet was the same 
so dimmed and overclouded with the contradictions of these 
men, and others of the like note, that, had not the truth 
been in my heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones, 
(Jeremiah xx. 9,) 1 had never broken those bonds of flesh 
and blood wherein I was so straitly tied, but had suffered 
the light of God to have been put out in mine own un- 
thankful heart by other men's darkness." f 

Though suspended, he still wished to retain his position 
in connection with the Establishment. He trusted that 
some modification of the rigors of conformity might be 
adopted, and that, in some chaplainship to a public insti- 
tution, or in some private chapel duly licensed, he might 

* Vifh [Works,] Vol. III., People's Plea, &c, pp. 285-287. 
i Vide [Works,] Vol. II , A Justification, &c., pp. 51, 52. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 1 1 7 

conduct public worship according to his own views of 
Christian simplicity. For this purpose he applied to the 
corporation of Norwich for the Mastership of the Great 
Hospital, then generally held by a clergyman, or for a 
building to be secured to him by lease, in which he might 
officiate. In both objects he failed. Hopeless with re- 
spect to further ecclesiastical reformation, and convinced 
that all attempts at harmonizing his Scriptural views with 
canonical law, and subject to the suspicions, informations, 
and oppressions by the dominant party, he solemnly re- 
solved, and " on most sound and unresistible convictions," 
to carry out his Puritanical principles to their just conse- 
quences, and to separate himself altogether from the Church 
of his youth and his affections. 

The circumstances now detailed throw light on his ec- 
clesiastical position and struggles, and furnish a satisfac- 
tory answer to Joseph Hall's ungenerous insinuation, that 
he was the victim of disappointment and chagrin, and 
hence suddenly abandoned his clerical profession and re- 
solved on becoming a Separatist.* 



SECTION II. 

MR. ROBINSON A SEPARATIST AT SCROOBY.] 

(1604-1608.) 

Mr. Robinson left Norwich, virtually if not nominally 
a Separatist. Cambridge being the direct road to the 
northern part of England, he probably visited his alma 
mater, resigned his fellowship of the college, and bid adieu 

* "Neither doubt we to say," observes Hall, " that the mastership of the hospital 

I at Norwich, or a lease from that city (sued for repulse) might have procured that 
this separation from the communion, government, and worship of the Church of 
England should not have been by John Robinson." 
" And, touching ceremonies, you refused them formerly, but not long; and when 
you did refuse them, you knew not wherefore ; for, immediately before your sus- 
pension, you acknowledged them to be things indifferent ; and for matter of scandal 
by them, you had not informed yourself, by your own confession, or a whole quarter 
of a year after." 

Hall states, moreover, and that positively, that he had not become a Separatist 
even when he left Norwich. — Hall's Works: Common Apology for the Church of 
England, Vol. IX. pp. 430, 480. 

4th s. — vol. i. 15 



118 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

to his Puritan friends and brethren in that town. The 
resignation of the fellowship being in 1604, this may be 
regarded as the year of his formal connection with the 
Separatists, and as the commencement of a new era in his 
eventful life. 

It required no ordinary faith and moral courage to aban- 
don the Church at this juncture. Persecution awaited 
him at every step. The determination of the king and the 
bishops was to imprison, fine, or banish all dissidents from 
the dominant Church. He had counted the cost ; and in 
proportion to the difficulties he felt in coming to the final 
decision, such was the strength of his present convictions. 
Like Abraham he went out, not knowing whither he went: 
like him, too, he trusted in the wisdom and faithfulness of 
God, who was his " shield and exceeding great reward." 

He proceeded to " Lincolnshire, his county," and the 
parts adjacent, where he found a considerable number of 
Separatist brethren, who met for worship as often as they 
could escape the , Argus eyes of their persecutors. They 
had previously constituted themselves into a church, by 
solemn covenant with the Lord and with each other, in 
the fellowship of the Gospel, " to walk in all his ways 
made known, or to be made known unto them, accord- 
ing to their best endeavors, whatever it should cost 
them." * 

This solemn and memorable transaction took place, it 
is generally believed, in 1602,f when Mr. Smyth and Mr. 
Clyfton were associated in the oversight of the church. 

Mr. Robinson arrived in 1604; their numbers had so 
increased as to render it expedient that they should form 
two distinct bodies, and worship in different localities. 



* Vide Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 20. 

t Mr. Hunter doubts the accuracy of this date, from the statement made by Brad- 
ford in his Journal : — " So, after they had continued together about a year, arid kept 
their meetings every Sabbath in one place or another, exercising the worship of God 
among themselves, notwithstanding all the diligence and malice of their adversaries, 
they, seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, resolved to get over 
into Holland as they could, which was in the year 1607- 8." — Hunter's Collec- 
tions, p. 26. Young's Chronicles, p. 24. 

It is evident, however, that the phrase " about a year" does not refer to the pe- 
riod between the covenant-taking and the final emigration of the church, which was 
manifestly about six years, but to the time when Mr. Robinson became sole minister 
of the remaining portion of the church, and the resolution [was] adopted to exile 
themselves as Providence should open the way. 






Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 1 1 9 

Mr. Smyth and Mr. Clyfton were chosen pastors of the 
respective churches, both of whom subsequently became 
exiles for conscience' sake, and settled at Amsterdam. 
Mr. Robinson remained with Mr. Clyfton's portion of the 
church, and was shortly afterwards chosen his assistant in 
ministerial labors, and, on the removal of Mr. Clyfton to 
Holland, succeeded to his office. 

This devoted band ordinarily met at Mr. Brewster's 
mansion " on the Lord's-day, which was a manor of the 
bishop's, and with great love he entertained them when 
they came, making provision for them, to his great charge, 
and continued to do so while they could stay in England."* 

Mr. Brewster was a gentleman of fortune ; he was edu- 
cated at Cambridge, and was now living on his manorial 
estate at Scrooby, Nottinghamshire. 

The location of this first Separatist church has long- 
been an object of investigation and doubt. The difficulty 
appears to be solved by Joseph Hunter, Esq., in his valua- 
ble " Collections " concerning the first colonists of New 
England. The following is a summary of Mr. Hunter's 
proofs, identifying Scrooby, Notts, as the village, and Mr. 
Brewster's house as the manor, in which, when practica- 
ble, they worshipped. Governor Bradford, who wms origi- 
nally one of the church, and whose birthplace and resi- 
dence were at Austerfield in the vicinity, states distinctly, 
that Mr. Brewster's house was a " manor of the bishop's." \ 
This description of the house furnished the key to the diffi- 
culty. Scrooby is about one mile and a half south of Bawtry 
in Yorkshire, and from which Austerfield is about the same 
distance northeast, and both not far distant from the adja- 
cent county of Lincoln. Mr. Hunter says, " I can speak 
with confidence to the fact, that there is no other episcopal 
manor but this, which at all satisfies the condition of being 
near the borders of the three counties." The Brewsters 
were residents at Scrooby : the manor place which they 
occupied originally belonged to the Archbishops of York, 
and had been leased to Sir Samuel Sandys, son of Dr. 
Sandys the Archbishop, in 1586. The Brewster family 



* Life of Brewster, in Young's Chronicles, p. 465. 
t Young's Chronicles, p. 465. 



120 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

were now tenants of Sir Samuel, and were occupants of 
the mansion of the Sandys. This fact serves both as an 
identification of the place, and as an explanation of the 
circumstance, that the Sandys took great interest, at a sub- 
sequent period, iu promoting the settlement of the Pilgrims, 
under the direction of Mr. Brewster, on the shores of the 
Atlantic. 

Scrooby must henceforward be regarded as the cradle of 
Massachusetts. Here the choice and noble spirits, at the 
head of whom were Brewster and Bradford, first learned 
the lessons of truth and freedom. Here, under the faith- 
ful ministration of the pastors, they were nourished and 
strengthened to that vigorous and manly fortitude which 
braved all dangers, and here, too, they acquired that moral 
and spiritual courage which enabled them to sacrifice their 
homes, property, and friends, and expatriate themselves to 
distant lands, rather than abandon their principles, and 
yield to the attempted usurpations on the liberty of their 
consciences. 

The spirit of the times, however, required that they 
should obtrude themselves as seldom as possible on pub- 
lic notice. They were objects of suspicion and distrust, 
and liaise, if detected, to imprisonment and fine. Perse- 
cution was partially suspended during the early part of 
the reign of James the First, but the proceedings of the 
monarch at the Hampton Court Conference, in 1604, un- 
masked his character and designs, and spread alarm and 
consternation through the Puritanical ranks in all parts of 
the kingdom. His determination was to suppress the 
Nonconformists of every name, and especially the Separat- 
ists, who had become extremely obnoxious to the eccle- 
siastical authorities. 

Unable to conceal themselves from the inquisitions of 
the spy, or to enjoy the liberty of worship they so earnestly 
desired, Mr. Smyth and his church resolved to flee into 
Holland and seek an asylum at Amsterdam. They arrived, 
after encountering many difficulties, in the year 1606. In 
the course of a few months, Mr. Clyfton and several of his 
church adopted the same course and settled in the same 
city, uniting themselves with their former companions, in 
the church under the care of Mr. Francis Johnson and 
Mr. Henry Ainsworth. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 121 

Mr. Robinson was now left with the remnant of the 
flock. Month after month rolled away, and no abatement 
of the fury of the dominant party was visible. His church, 
with himself, resolved on following their companions to 
the United Provinces, where toleration, at least, if not per- 
fect freedom, was allowed to all natives and foreigners. 

Thrice was the attempt made at expatriation before they 
could succeed. They first resolved to sail from Boston. 
They formed a common fund, and hired a vessel. To 
avoid suspicion they embarked at night, and at the mo- 
ment when they expected the vessel to be loosed from her 
moorings, they were betrayed by the captain, and seized 
by the officers of the town. They were plundered of their 
goods and money, arraigned before the magistrates, and 
committed to prison till the pleasure of the Lords in Council 
should be known. They were dismissed at the expiration 
of a month, seven of the leading persons being bound over 
to appear at the assizes. 

The following spring a second attempt was made. They 
hired a small Dutch vessel, and agreed to meet the captain 
at a given spot on the banks of the Humber near Grimsby, 
Lincolnshire. After a delay of some hours, a part of the 
company, chiefly men, were conveyed to the vessel in# boat. 
When the sailors were about to return for another portion 
of the passengers, the captain saw " a great company of 
horse and foot, with bills and guns," in full pursuit of the 
fugitives on shore.- He immediately hoisted sail and de- 
parted with the men he had on board, leaving their wives 
and children, and the remainder of the Pilgrim company 
with Mr. Robinson, to the tender mercies of their pursuers. 
A few of the party escaped ; the others were seized and 
hurried from one magistrate to another, till the officers, 
not knowing what to do with so large a company, and 
ashamed of their occupation in seizing helpless, homeless, 
and innocent persons, suffered them to depart and go whith- 
er they pleased. 

Other attempts at expatriation were subsequently and 
successfully made. The persecuted Separatists at length 
reached the hospitable shores of Holland, and rejoined their 
families and friends in the land of strangers, thankful to 
their Almighty Father that they had escaped in safety from 
the " fury of the oppressor," and the perils of the deep. 



122 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

Bradford thus concludes his simple and touching narra- 
tive of these adventures : " Yet I may not omit the fruit 
that came hereby. For by these so public troubles in so 
many eminent places (Boston, Hull, Grimsby, where they 
were seized or imprisoned), their cause became famous, 
and occasioned many to look into the same ; and their 
godly carriage and Christian behavior was such as left a 
deep impression in the minds of many. And though some 
few shrank at those first conflicts and sharp beginnings 
(as it was no marvel), yet many more came on with fresh 
courage, and greatly animated others; and in the end, not- 
withstanding all these storms of opposition, they all got 
over at length, some at one time and some at another, and 
met together again, according to their desire, with no small 
iff." * 



SECTION III. 
MR. ROBINSON AN EXILE AT AMSTERDAM. 

(1608, 1609.) 

The year of our Lord 1608 is memorable in the history 
of the Separatists. It was the year of Mr. Robinson's 
arrival in Holland with the remainder of the Scrooby 
church. Neither allowed to remain peacefully in England, 
nor suffered quietly to depart, they escaped to a strange 
land, acting on the direction of the Saviour, — "When they 
persecute you in one city, flee to another." The removal 
of this church was happily not the extinction of the cause 
in Great Britain. Other Puritan communities, if not 
avowedly Separatist, existed in the northern and western 
parts of the kingdom. They maintained and suffered for 
the truth ; they earnestly prayed for its diffusion and 
success ; and many of their adherents lived to witness its 
triumphs, and to share in the victories it achieved. Few of 
the exiles returned to England : they had a vocation to 
discharge. The great Head of the Church designed their 

* Vide Young's Chronicles, pp. 81, 82. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 1 23 

perplexities and afflictions as a means of preparing them 
for better service. Truth travels with the exiles ; and as 
they are " scattered abroad " by the providence of God, the 
Gospel spreads, and hence they become blessings to the 
nations amongst whom they are driven. These wanderers 
doubtless proved blessings in the land of their sojourn, but 
more eminently so, in the far distant regions whither they 
ultimately went. 

Desirous of spiritual instruction and communion, Mr. 
Robinson and his church united themselves with their 
former companions now in Amsterdam, and together they 
became one with the original members of the English 
church in that city, under the pastoral care of Johnson 
and Ains worth. / 

Spiritual life was not all they needed. Their bodies 
must be fed and their families supported. How these 
were to be accomplished became a source of deep solici- 
tude. The temporal circumstances of these new settlers, 
these pioneers of truth and freedom in distant lands, were 
sufficiently discouraging, They were poor and in distress. 
Two only had possessed property, and they had sacrificed 
all for Christ. They were for the most part hard-working 
weavers, artisans, and husbandmen. The latter w#re the 
most numerous class. Scrooby was an agricultural dis- 
trict, and the majority of the members had come thence to 
the Netherlands. " They were not," says Bradford, " ac- 
quainted with the trades and traffic by which the country 
doth subsist, but had been used to a plain country life, 
and the innocent trade of husbandry. But these things 
did not dismay them, although they did sometimes trouble 
them, for their desires were set on the ways of God and to 
enjoy his ordinances." They, however, cheerfully sub- 
mitted to the will of God, and began to seek such occupa- 
tion as the city and neighborhood would supply. Some 
learned new trades. Brewster, Bradford, and others, ac- 
customed to less laborious pursuits than their 'companions, 
learned the arts of printing, dyeing, and weaving, for their 
support. The difficulty of procuring situations and em- 
ployment may be judged of by the fact, that even Ains- 
worth had been, if he was not at the time, only a porter in 
a bookseller's shop. Their industry and peaceableness as 



124 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

neighbors secured the good opinion of the residents of 
their adopted country. Measures were taken by the Arch- 
bishop and other ecclesiastical functionaries in England, 
to excite the suspicions and jealousies of the Dutch against 
the exiles, both while in Amsterdam and when at Leyden. 
British agents were employed in this nefarious work, but 
iu vain. They remaiued undisturbed, and pursued their 
daily labors with satisfaction and success. 

Doubtless Mr. Robinson, having no pastoral charge, was 
obliged to betake himself to some secular occupation for 
support ; and even after he became pastor at Leyden, it is 
not improbable that he did the same. However undesira- 
ble it may be that ministers should engage in secular pur- 
suits, it can be no disgrace, while the fact remains that 
Paul was a tent-maker, and, while discharging his apos- 
tolic duties, wrought at his trade "with his own hands," 
and thus secured an honest livelihood. 

The church at Amsterdam w T as much disturbed and 
distracted by the proceedings of Mr. Smyth and a few 
partisans. The society was in a perpetual broil.* Mr. 
Robinson's tender and loving spirit could not endure the 
angry recriminations of the brethren. He was a man of 
peace and a lover of concord. The members of his own 
church were like-minded, and resolved, after a residence 
of about a year, to remove from the tumultuous scene, and 
seek a quiet home at Leyden, though it might not prove 
so advantageous to their worldly interests. 



SECTION IV. 
MR. ROBINSON A PASTOR AT LEYDEN. 

(1609-1625.) 

Mr. Robwson and his friends took their departure from 
Amsterdam in 1609, and settled, by permission of the 
authorities, at " Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, and of a 
sweet situation, but made more famous by the University 

* Vide an Account of the Exiled Churches, and the Proceedings at Amsterdam. 
[Works,] Vol. III. App. II. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 125 

wherewith it was adorned."* It was a town of great re- 
sort, in consequence of the celebrity of its University. 
Genteel families from various parts of the Continent, and 
from England, settled there for the superior advantages of 
education it afTorded.f 

Mr. Robinson's first object, when settled at Leyden, 
was to secure a suitable place in which to conduct the 
public worship of God. No record of any public building 
devoted to this purpose has been found. For a time, at 
least, it is probable that he conducted worship in his own 
house,! and subsequently in some hired hall. Not con- 
nected with any merchant company, not patronized by the 
British authorities at home, nor disposed to make suit to 
the municipal council for assistance, no public edifice 
would be allotted to the use of his congregation. It is a 
singular coincidence, that the Scottish church should have 
been established in Leyden the very same year, under the 
ministry of the Rev. Robert Durie. To this party of Eng- 
lish subjects a subsidy was granted, and the chapel of St. 
Catharine's Almshouse was assigned, which chapel they 
occupied till 1622, when "another was granted to them, 
attached to the Jerusalems Hof " ; and in 1644 this also 
was exchanged for a still larger " room in the Kerk of the 
Bagyn Hof," which became the " Church of the English 
Reformed Community."^ This coincidence of time in the 
settlement of Mr. Robinson and of Mr. Durie, and in the 
commencement of English worship by their respective com- 
munities at Leyden, has given rise to some mistakes with 
respect to Robinson's place of worship. || 



* Vide Bradford, in Young's Chronicles, p. 35. 

t Vide Stevens's History of the Scottish Church at Rotterdam, &c., p. 312. 

% When Mr. Robinson died, he was described as having Jived " by het Klock- 
luijs," or by the Clock-house, near which, Mr. Sumner states, there was a large 
square, on one side of which alone were a few houses. These having been pulled 
lown and destroyed, the identical spot on which Mr. Robinson lived cannot now be 
iscertained. Sumner's Memoirs of the Pilgrims [Collections of Mass. Hist. Soc, 9th 
Vo\. of 3d Series, pp. 42-74], p. 71. 

§ Sumner's Memoirs of the Pilgrims, Appendix, pp. 64, 65. 

|| Mrs. Adams, the wife of President Adams, visited Leyden on September 12, 
.7«6, and under the inspiration of an imaginary scene, thus writes: "I would not 
>mit to mention that I visited the church at Leyden, in which our forefathers wor- 
hipped when they fled from hierarchical tyranny and persecution. I felt a respect 
ind veneration, upon entering the doors, like what the ancients paid to their 
)ruids." This church was pointed out to Prince, the American annalist, in 1714, 
>y some of the oldest inhabitants, who learned from their parents that the building 
vas devoted to English worship by the Separatist This appears to have been an 

4th s. — vol. i. 16 



126 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

As soon as arrangements for worship were completed, 
and the church was reorganized, Mr. Robinson received a 
call from the members to become their pastor, and was 
ordained to the office at their united and urgent request, 
having Mr. Brewster as his ruling elder. Under the trying 
circumstances in which the church was placed at Scrooby, 
it is probable that the formal call to the pastorship had 
not been given to Mr. Robinson, though he officiated as 
their minister. 

It has been suggested previously, that Mr. Robinson 
did not receive "full orders" when connected with the 
Established Church ; and this might be a reason for being 
ordained at the present time. But even apart from this 
consideration, and had he been fully ordained in the 
national Church, he would wish to be reordained by his 
own church at Leyden, and thus carry out the principle 
for which he so earnestly contended in his controversy 
with Murton and Bernard.* He regarded the ministry of 
the Church of England as " a false ministry," derived as 
it was from the Church of Rome, and therefore to be re- 
pudiated by all who, acknowledging Christ as the Supreme 
Head of the Church, separated from her communion ; and 
consequently, reordination would be indispensable. 

The ordination was evidently performed by the Church 
itself. Mr. Robinson says, " I was ordained publicly, 
upon the solemn call of the church in which I serve, both 
in respect of the ordainers and the ordained."! He con- 
stantly insists, in his reference to the subject, that ordina- 
tion is a church act, and for a specific church, and cannot 
be performed Scripturally by any other parties called in to 
officiate on the occasion. He makes exception only in the 
case of the Apostles, and the extraordinary officers of the 



error arising from the misapprehension of the parties respecting the two different 
congregations which had coexisted in the city, and designated, in common parlance, 
" English Puritans." The Separatist Church having become extinct nearly a cen- 
tury, and having no historical existence in the place, the two might easily have been 
confounded at that distance of time. 

Mr. Sumner has thoroughly investigated this subject, and his conclusion, as 
stated in this note, appears inevitable. Vide Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden, 
pp. 44 -49. * ' 

* Vide [Works,] Vol. I., Defence of the Synod, &c , pp. 452, 453; and Vol. II., 
A Justification, &c, pp. 370-450. 

t Vide [Works,] Vol. I., Defence of the Synod of Port, &c, pp. 463, 464. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 127 

Apostolic churches, as Timothy and Titus, who were 
specially called " to ordain elders in every city." 

Settled over his flock, he zealously devoted himself to 
study and to labor in their behalf. He addicted himself 
especially to theological studies, and frequently attended 
the lectures of the most distinguished and learned pro- 
fessors in the University. He became eventually one of 
its members. This privilege was not obtained till six 
years after his settlement at Leyden. The reason of this 
delay does not appear ; but, as Mr. Sumner suggests, it is 
probable that objections were raised against him, as being 
an exile, and that the council were indisposed to confer 
the peculiar privileges of the University on a person so 
obnoxious to the English hierarchy at home. 

The following is a copy of his admission, taken from the 
MS. register of members : — 

" 1615. 
Sept. 5° Joannes Robintsonus. Anglus 

Coss. permissu. Ann. xxxix. 

Stud. Theol. alit Familiam." 

This incorporation with the University placed Mr. Rob- 
inson beyond the control of the town magistrates, and, in 
addition to other privileges, entitled him to receive, free of 
town and state duties, half a tun of beer every month, and 
about ten gallons of wine every three months. * 

The Calvinistic and Arminian controversies were rife at 
this period. The " Five Points " were daily battled for in 
the arena of the University, as they were the subjects of 
eager contest at a subsequent period in the Synod of Dort. 
Polyander and Episcopius were the leading antagonists at 
Leyden. Mr. Robinson constantly attended their lectures, 
with the view of becoming thoroughly acquainted with the 
mysterious themes involved in these discussions. He 
took the Calvinistic view of inspired truth, and became an 
earnest advocate of the doctrines now generally held by 
"Modern Calvinists." His " Defence of the Synod of 
Dort," and his animadversions on " Mr. Smyth's Con- 
fession," contain expositions of his views of doctrinal truth. 
He plunged deeper into the profundities of the Divine 

* Sumner's Memoirs, p. 57. 



128 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

decrees than modern theologians are disposed to venture ; 
and conceded a more direct agency in the permission of 
evil than would be allowed by Calvinistic divines of the 
present day. But strenuous as he was for the doctrines, 
he was not less so for the duties of Christianity. He re- 
garded them as inseparable : the one supplying the motive 
power to the performance of the other ; the duties illustrat- 
ing the doctrines ; and belief and practice being together 
necessary to constitute the perfect Christian.* 

Mr. Robinson was solicited by Polyander, Festus Hom- 
mius, and other professors, about this time (1612), to enter 
the lists against Episcopius, and conduct a public discussion 
on the great doctrinal questions of the day, with that dis- 
tinguished man. He modestly declined the overture, al- 
leging his incompetency, but, probably, because anticipat- 
ing little good from such an exhibition. Still, pressed by 
his friends, he at length yielded ; and for three days the 
discussion was carried on between himself and his learned 
antagonist, and terminated, as they declared, in the perfect 
triumph of their advocate and champion.f 

The Arminian doctrines becoming extensively adopted 
by the national clergy, the States General of Holland — 
the patrons and conservators of the national Church ! — 
summoned the celebrated "Synod of Dort," in 1618-19, 
to adjudicate on these controverted points. 

The " Synod " pronounced its decision in favor of Cal- 
vinism. Politicians and divines judged this would be a 
death-blow to Arminianism ; the followers of Arminius 
were to be silenced for ever ; and Episcopius, the distin- 
guished Professor at Leyden, must bow in the dust before 
the " Acta " of the conclave. Alas for the decrees of 
councils ! Episcopius and his adherents stood firm and 
erect, notwithstanding the solemn deliverances and angry 
menaces of the orthodox divines. Another power must 
therefore be invoked to enforce compliance with the de- 
crees of the Synod, or punish the recusants for their ob- 
stinacy ! 

* Vide [Works,] Vol. I., Defence of the Doctrine, &c, Chap. I.-V., pp. 265-485. 
Vol. III., On Communion, &c, Chap. VI., pp. 237-274. 

t Vide Bradford, in Young's Chronicles, pp. 40, 41. Winslow's Narrative, in 
Young, p. 392. . >*-*-» 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 129 

" The States General soon confirmed this decree of the 
Synod. This being done, every preacher was called upon 
for subscription to the creed which the Synod had pre- 
scribed ; and such as refused were at once deposed from 
office. Episcopius.and his colleagues, who had been pres- 
ent at the Synod of Dort, were detained, by order of the 
government, at Dort, until the meeting of the commissaries 
of the States General. They were then called upon, to 
know whether they would suspend their ministerial func- 
tions, cease writing or publishing their opinions, &c. This 
they declined to do. On the 27th June, 1619, they were 
summoned to the Hague by the States General, and called 
upon to know whether they were ready to subscribe an 
agreement to abide by the terms which the commissioners 
had prescribed. This all but one (H. Leo) refused to do. 
Sentence of banishment was then pronounced upon them. 
They asked leave to return under escort to their homes, so 
as to put in order their family affairs, collect their dues, 
and discharge their debts. This was refused ; and they 
were sent the next day, under the charge of an armed 
guard, to their respective places of banishment. 

" In regard to the remonstrant preachers generally of 
Holland, they were not only forbidden to perform the du- 
ties of their office, but their flocks were forbidden to as- 
semble for the purposes of worship. Violent contests of 
course ensued all over the land. In some places blood 
was spilled, and life sacrificed. About two hundred re- 
monstrant preachers were deposed ; among the rest, John 
Gerard Vossius, regent of the Theological College at Ley- 
den, lost his place. Caspar Barleeus, a famous Latin poet 
of those times, and Peter Bertius, a celebrated geographer, 
both of Leyden, also lost their places. The storm swept 
away even civilians also, who manifested any favoritism 
for the party of the remonstrants." * 

Mr. Sumner, in page 59, reflects on Mr. Robinson for 
the part he took in these controversies : " It is to be la- 
mented that in these discussions Robinson is found taking 
the part of the bigots. But principles, in a certain sense, 
change with times, and it would be unjust to judge his 

* Vide Biblical Repository, Vol. I., Art. Arminius, pp. 257, 258. 



130 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

conduct by the standard of other days than his own. There 
are few, I think, among the sons of the Pilgrims, who would 
not wish to find him ranged with the friends, rather than 
with the persecutors and final butchers, of the wise, the 
just, the generous Barneveldt." 

It is to be regretted that Mr. Sumner could find no soft- 
er term than " bigots," by which to characterize the asso- 
ciates of Mr. Robinson ; or should have attempted to 
implicate him in the unrighteous and cruel proceedings of 
the " States," in the banishment of the Arminian profes- 
sors and ministers on account of their religious tenets ; and 
in the execution of that distinguished patriot, advocate, and 
statesman, Barneveldt, — the friend, indeed, of the remon- 
strants, but the alleged plotter against the authority of his 
prince, and in which character, however unjustly, he was 
beheaded, May 13th, 1619.* 

There is no evidence to prove that Mr. Robinson ever 
countenanced or justified these proceedings. Indeed, his 
sentiments, spirit, and character would shield him from all 
suspicion on this ground. The accidental circumstance, 
therefore, that he held disputations with Episcopius in the 
presence of the Leyden Professors, should not subject him 
to the slightest suspicion, however qualifiedly expressed, of 
having taken the part of the " bigots " ; or of sympathizing 
in the slightest degree with the " persecutors and final 
butchers of Barneveldt." Indeed, the imputation is an 
anachronism, as this sad, unjust, and tragical event did not 
take place till seven years after Mr. Robinson's public ad- 
vocacy of the doctrines in question. 

Amidst these national controversies and contests, Mr. 
Robinson pursued " the even tenor of his way." His time 
was fully occupied in his ministerial, pastoral, and literary 
labors. His pen was in constant requisition. Scarcely 
had he settled at Leyden before he commenced authorship. 
The first known production of his pen was his "Answer to 
the Censorious Epistle " of Joseph (Bishop) Hall. This 
was followed by his elaborate defence of the " Separation," 
in reply to Bernard. Other Treatises, Letters, Essays, &c, 
followed in due succession, proving that their author w T as a 

* Vide Brandt's History of the Reformation, &c., Book 43. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 131 

man of application and perseverance, of extensive reading, 
and diligent research. His writings are varied in their 
character, and adapted specially to the controversies of the 
day. Many of the questions he debated are still undeter- 
mined. The doctrinal, ecclesiastical, and ritual difficulties 
which perplexed our ancestors more than two centuries 
since, remain unsolved ; but considerable assistance may 
be obtained from some of Mr. Robinson's works towards 
their solution. He wrote earnestly, and expressed himself 
sometimes rather warmly. > The controversialists of those 
times were not over soft and bland in their language to- 
wards each other ; but Mr. Robinson has fewer of these 
lingual asperities than most of his contemporaries. The 
existence of these — thorns on roses — must be regretted. 
He was a man of a large and catholic soul, of a warm and 
loving heart ; and if terms are employed by him, occasion- 
ally indicating the contrary, they must be attributed rather 
to the ardor of composition than the uncharitableness of his 
spirit. His affectionate disposition and amenity of man- 
ners secured the respect and esteem, not only of his flock, 
but of the pastors and members of other churches ; and 
conciliated the regards of many others, who from national 
partialities were disposed, at first, to look rather suspicious- 
ly on him and his fellow-exiles. 

Mr. Robinson's public labors were necessarily restricted 
to the people of his charge. Little room or license was 
allowed for attempts to proselyte the natives. Difference 
of language was a barrier to progress. The Dutch func- 
tionaries, liberal to the last degree in allowing the full exer- 
cise of his office among his own people, would not be dis- 
posed to tolerate any efforts to gain over others to the cause 
of the exiles. 

This limitation of labor formed one of the strongest 
inducements for a removal to other lands. Both Mr. Rob- 
inson and his ruling elder, Mr. Brewster, together with the 
more active spirits in their church, felt a strong and intense 
desire to diffuse their principles and to enlarge the king- 
dom of Christ. It was a source of deep regret that their 
efforts were circumscribed both by their position and their 
language. Convinced that the cause they espoused was 
the cause of truth and righteousness, and that its extension 



132 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

would promote the well-being and happiness of mankind, 
they were desirous of proceeding where scope could be 
found for their zeal and energies. Bradford expresses 
himself with sweet simplicity on this point : — " They had 
a great hope and inward zeal of laying some good founda- 
tion, or at least to make some way thereunto, for the propa- 
gating and advancing the gospel of the kingdom of Christ 
in these remote parts of the world, though they should be 
but as stepping-stones unto others for performing of so 
great a work." * 

Thankful for the toleration they enjoyed in Holland, yet 
as British subjects, though exiled, they cherished a strong 
and loyal attachment to the British crown, and were ready 
to make any sacrifice, except that of conscience, to live 
under the protection of the British laws. The new settle- 
ments, or plantations, on the American coast, which had 
been formed under British auspices, appeared to present 
favorable openings for the purpose contemplated, as well 
as to enable them to secure a better livelihood than Leyden 
could afford. Frequent consultations were held between 
Mr. Robinson, and his elder and deacons, on the subject; 
and when it had assumed a definite shape, they convened 
the church for its consideration and discussion. The 
question of emigration was fully and fairly debated, the 
difficulties and advantages were thoroughly canvassed, and 
the resolution was at length prayerfully and deliberately 
adopted, that they would be prepared to emigrate when 
and whithersoever the providence of God might direct. 

The reasons alleged for removal were not exclusively of 
a religious character. Secular motives are allowable and 
proper. Here was a small community, in a strange land, 
depending for their liberty and support on the forbearance 
and kindness of strangers. Their numbers were now grad- 
ually diminishing; they gained few accessions, either from 
other British residents, or their Dutch friends. The expa- 
triations from England were fewer than in former years. 
Persecution was losing its terrors in the mother country, 
and hopeful indications that better days were coming in- 
duced many, who sympathized with the exiles, still to re- 

* Vide Bradford, in Young's Chronicles, p. 47. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 133 

main in their native land. The young men at Leyden, 
finding little occupation, were enlisting into the army, or 
becoming sailors, and thus leaving their homes and friends. 
Other young persons were intermarrying with Dutch fam- 
ilies, and, becoming naturalized, were relinquishing their 
English associates and were fast losing their native tongue 
and manners ; while the entire society, composed of persons 
who, having no property, or having sacrificed it all for con- 
science' sake, and therefore obliged to labor for a livelihood, 
found extreme difficulty to obtain employment sufficient 
for the maintenance of themselves and their families. In 
addition, the general desecration of the Sabbath, and licen- 
tiousness of manners, in Holland, weighed powerfully on 
the minds of the more serious part of the people, and 
awakened a strong desire to remove where these causes 
of moral deterioration might not exist to so fearful an 
extent.* 

The Dutch authorities, learning the English exiles in- 
tended to emigrate, anxious to retain them as subjects and 
friends, offered to locate them in any other part of the 
United Provinces, or in any of their distant colonies, and 
moreover to furnish them with a free passage, and with a 
merely nominal freightage for their live stock and goods. 
This ofTer they respectfully declined, their patriotic feel- 
ings inducing them to prefer being British colonists, what- 
ever the difficulties or hardships they might have to en- 
counter.! 

Various places were proposed as desirable settlements. 
Guiana, the West Indies, Virginia, were severally consid- 
ered. The last was judged the preferable situation, if they 
might be allowed to originate a new colony by themselves, 
and establish it on their own peculiar principles. Mr. 
Robinson, as the devoted pastor, now preached on their 
special duties at that crisis, and arranged special seasons 
for fasting and prayer. Mr. Carver, one of the deacons, 
land Mr. Cushman, one of the members of the church, 
iwere despatched to England as agents of the exiled com- 
Ipany, to seek permission of the king to settle in some part 
of Virginia, to colonize which, patents had already been 

* Vide Bradford, in Young's Chronicles, pp. 44 -51. 
! Young's Chronicles, p. 42. 

4th s. — vol i. 17 



134 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

issued and a chartered company formed. Various delays 
took place, and the negotiations were at times frustrated 
through the disinclination of the sovereign and his eccle- 
siastical advisers to encourage settlers adverse to the Eng- 
lish Church. The influence of the Sandys family,* under 
whom Mr. Brewster was formerly a tenant at Scrooby, was 
of eminent service at this juncture. An interesting letter 
is preserved, written by Mr. Robinson and Mr. Brewster to 
Sir Edwin Sandys, in answer to one sent by him for some 
further explanations respecting the intending emigrants, of 
which the following is a copy : — 

" To Sir Edwin Sandys. 

"Right Worshipful, — 

" Our humble duties remembered, in our own, our 
messenger's, and our church's name, with all thankful 
acknowledgment of your singular love, expressing itself, 
as otherwise, so more especially in your great care and 
earnest endeavor of our good in this weighty business 
about Virginia, which the less able we are to requite, we 
shall think ourselves the more bound to commend in our 
prayers unto God for recompense, whom as for the present 
you rightly behold in our endeavors, so shall we not be 
wanting on our parts, (the same God assisting us,) to 
return all answerable fruit and respect unto the labor of 
your love bestowed upon us. We have, with the best 
speed and consideration withal that we could, set down 
our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the 
hands of the greatest part of our congregation, and have 
sent the same unto the council by our agent, a deacon of 
our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also re- 
quested a gentleman of our company to adjoin himself; to 
the care and discretion of which two we do refer the pros- 
ecuting of the business. Now we persuade ourselves, right 
worshipful, that we need not to provoke your godly and 
loving mind to any further or more tender care of us, 
since you have pleased so far to interest us in yourself, 
that, under God, above all persons and things in the world 

* Vide p. 119, supra. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 135 

we rely upon you, expecting the care of jour love, the 
counsel of jour wisdom, and the help and countenance of 
jour authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement 
in the work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not 
forbear to mention these instances of inducement : — 

44 1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, unto 
whom and whose service we have given ourselves in many 
trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavors 
according to the simplicity of our hearts therein. 

" 2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our 
mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange 
and hard land, which yet, in great part, we have by pa- 
tience overcome. 

" 3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious 
and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any company 
of people in the world. 

" 4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict and 
sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation 
whereof we make great conscience ; and by virtue whereof 
we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's 
good, and of the whole by every, and so mutual. 

" 5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, 
whom small things can discourage, or small discontent- 
ments cause to wish themselves at home again. We know 
our entertainment in England and Holland. We shall 
much prejudice both our arts and means by removal ; 
where, if we should be driven to return, we should not 
hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither 
indeed look ever to attain the like in any other place 
during our lives, which are now drawing towards their 
periods. 

" These motives we have been bold to tender unto you, 
which you in your wisdom may also impart to any other 
our worshipful friends of the council with you, of all whose 
godlj dispositions and loving towards our despised persons 
we are most glad, and shall not fail bj all good means to 
continue and increase the same. We shall not be further 
troublesome, but do, with the renewed remembrance of 
our humble duties to jour worship, and (so far as in mod- 
est j we ma j be bold) to anj other of oar well-wishers of 
the council with you, we take our leaves, committing your 



136 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

persons and counsels to the guidance and protection of the 
Almighty. 

" Yours, much bounden in all duty, 

"John Robinson. 
William Brewster.* 
" Leyden, 15th December, 1617." 

Other letters, illustrative of the religious principles and 
practices of the Pilgrims, are given in [Works,] Vol. III., 
Appendix II., pp. 487, 489. 

By the good providence of God, and in answer to fer- 
vent and importunate prayer, permission to settle in Vir- 
ginia, North America, was at last obtained ; with an as- 
surance, that, though no formal or official document was 
issued, they should not be disturbed or injured on account 
of their peculiar religious opinions and practices. The 
agents returned, and reported to the brethren the progress 
they had made. A day of humiliation, thanksgiving, and 
prayer was agreed on, to seek Divine direction in the 
present position of their affairs. The day was devoutly 
kept, and Mr. Robinson preached on 1 Samuel xxiii. 3, 4: 
" And David's men said unto him, Behold, we be afraid 
here in Judah ; how much more then if we come to Keilah 
against the armies of the Philistines ? Then David in- 
quired of the Lord yet again. And the Lord answered 
him and said, Arise, go down to Keilah ; for I will deliver 
the Philistines into thine hand." 

At the close of the devotional exercises, the church and 
congregation entered on a discussion respecting the parties 
that should go first to the new settlement, and prepare for 
the reception of the others ; it was at length resolved, - 
" that it was best for one part of the church to go at first, 
and the other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest 
part to go. Secondly, they that went should freely offer 
themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the pastor to 
go with them ; if not, the elder only. Fourthly, if the 
Lord should frown upon our proceedings, then those that 
went to return, and the brethren that remained still there, 
to assist and be helpful to them ; but if God should be 

* Vide Young's Chronicles, pp. 59-62. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 137 

pleased to favor them that went, then they also should 
endeavor to help over such as were poor and ancient, and 
willing to come." * 

The volunteers for the first adventure were in the minor- 
ity, and in consequence, Mr. Brewster, the ruling elder, 
and assistant to the pastor,f was appointed to take the 
ministerial oversight of the emigrants, both during the 
passage and in the colony, till either Mr. Robinson or some 
pastor from England should arrive. 

The property and effe.cts of such as were about to em- 
bark were now sold, and the produce, with the contribu- 
tions of those who remained, was thrown into a common 
stock, out of which the expenses of the ship, the outfit, and 
the voyage were to be defrayed. A vessel of sixty tons, 
called the Speedwell, was purchased in Holland, in which 
Mr. Cushman and Mr. Carver, who had negotiated the 
affairs of the society with the Virginia Company, with 
Mr. Weston, an English merchant, sailed for London, to 
make the final arrangements with the company and with 
the Merchant Adventurers, who had offered the settlers a 
loan, on sufficiently hard terms, for seven years, and also Xo 
hire another ship for freight, to accompany the Speedwell 
across the Atlantic. J 

The conditions having been mutually agreed on betwixt 
the company, the merchants and the Leyden agents re- 
turned with the two vessels to Delft Haven, the port of 
Leyden. On their arrival, all needful preparations were 
speedily made ; and on the twenty-first day of July, 1620, 
the whole congregation met for humiliation and prayer, 
when Mr. Robinson preached, with deep emotion, from 
Ezra viii. 21, 22 : " Then I proclaimed a fast there, at the 
river of Ahava, that we might afflict ourselves before our 



* Winslow's Brief Narrative, in Young's Chronicles, p. 383. 

t Young's Chronicles, pp. 77, 78. 

% " Every person above sixteen was to be counted as ten pounds in the capital 
stock; and the 'merchant adventurer' who advanced one hundred pounds in Eng- 
land was to receive, at the end of seven years, as much of the profits of the colony 
as did ten of its hard-toiling founders; and this in addition to a share of the land 
they had brought under cultivation, and the buildings they had raised. The colonists 
were not even allowed the liberty possessed at the present day by a Valachian serf 
or a Spanish slave, to work two days in the week for themselves individually; but 
were compelled by their agreement to toil untiringly for seven years, and always for 
the benefit of the company." — Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden, by George Sum- 
ner, p. 61. Vide also Young's Pilgrims, pp. 81 - 85. 



138 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

God, to seek of him a right way for us, and for our little 
ones, and for all our substance. For I was ashamed to 
require of the king a band of soldiers and horsemen, to 
help us against the enemy in the way : because we had 
spoken to the king, saying, The hand of our God is upon 
all them for good that seek him, but his power and his 
wrath is against all them that forsake him." 

He closed his discourse with appropriate and judicious 
counsels to the following effect : — 

Parting Advice. 

" We are now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord 
knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces 
again. But whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he 
charged us before God and his blessed angels, to follow 
him no further than he followed Christ ; and if God 
should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of 
his, to be as ready to receive it as ever we were to receive 
any truth by his ministry ; for he was very confident the 
Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth out of 
his holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to bewail 
the state and condition of the Reformed churches, who 
were come to a period in religion, and would go no further 
than the instruments of their reformation. As, for exam- 
ple, the Lutherans, they could not be drawn to go beyond 
what Luther saw ; for whatever part of God's will he had 
further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather 
die than embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the 
Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a misery much 
to be lamented ; for though they were precious shining 
lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole 
will to them ; and were they now living, saith he, they 
would be as ready and willing to embrace further light, as 
that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of 
our church covenant, at least that part of it whereby we 
promise and covenant with God, and one with another, to 
receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to 
us from his written Word ; but withal exhorted us to take 
heed what we received for truth, and well to examine and 
compare it and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth 
before we received it. For, saith he, it is not possible the 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 139 

Christian world should come so lately out of such thick 
antichristian darkness, and that full perfection of knowl- 
edge should break forth at once. 

" Another thing he commended to us was, that we should 
use all means to avoid and shake off the name of Brown- 
ist, being a mere nickname and brand, to make religion 
odious, and the professors of it, to the Christian world. 
And to that end, said he, I should be glad if some godly 
minister would go over with you before my coming ; for, 
said he, there will be no difference between the uncon- 
formable ministers and you, when they come to the prac- 
tice of the ordinances out of the kingdom. And so ad- 
vised us, by all means, to endeavor to close with the godly 
party of the kingdom of England, and rather to study 
union than division, viz. how near we might, possibly, 
without sin, close with them, than in the least measure to 
affect division or separation from them. And be not loath 
to take another pastor or teacher, saith he : for that flock 
that hath two shepherds is not endangered, but secured 
by it." * 

After the solemnities of the day were closed, the mem- 
bers of the church who were to remain at Leyden " feasted 
us that were to go," observes Mr. Winslow, " at our pastor's 



* Winslow's Narrative, in Young's Chronicles, p. 396. 

Mr. Sumner doubts whether Mr. Robinson delivered such a discourse as that de- 
scribed in the text ; or, at least, whether the extract now given contains an authentic 
statement of his advice. I see no reason to doubt either. Mr. Robinson, as a faith- 
ful pastor, would not be likely to part with his friends without preaching a farewell 
discourse ; and the parting advice, as given by Mr. Winslow, bears undoubted 
marks of genuineness, being so thoroughly characteristic of Mr. Robinson's senti- 
ment and spirit. Mr. Sumner demurs to Mr. Winslow's admissibility as a witness, 
because he wrote his Narrative twenty-six years after the event, and because he was 
sent to England as the advocate of the Pilgrims in New Plymouth, against their 
accusers in the mother country. But surely a more competent witness could not be 
found, though his reminiscences extend over twenty-six years. He was one of Mr. 
Robinson's flock, at Leyden, having lived "three years under his ministry " ; he 
was present at the service, and heard the discourse, and, as an honest witness, does 
not pretend to give the advice verbatim, but simply the substance of his remarks ; 
but states that, " amongst other wholesome instructions and exhortations, he. Mr. 
Robinson, used these expressions, or to the same purpose." Besides, the " Brief 
Narrative," by Mr. Advocate Winslow, is written in a calm, simple, truthful style, 
and contains a statement of facts respecting the parting services at Leyden, con- 
firmed in all points by Governor Bradford in his "History of Plymouth Colony " ; 
why, therefore, should these few recollections of a discourse delivered under very 
peculiar circumstances, and such as were calculated to impress it deeply on the mem- 
ory, be suspected as the creations of fancy ? 

Neal, and other historians, have given the parting advic3 in the first person, and 
as if taken verbatim from a copy of the address. This is unjust to Mr. Winslow, 
as he make3 no pretension to such verbal accuracy. 



140 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 



house, being large : where we refreshed ourselves, after 
tears, with singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our 
hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the 
congregation very expert in music : and indeed it was the 
sweetest melody that ever mine ears heard. After this 
they accompanied us to Delph's Haven, where we were to 
embark, and there feasted us again ; and after prayer per- 
formed, by our pastor, where a flood of tears was poured 
out, they accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to 
speak one to another, for the abundance of sorrow to part. 
But we only going aboard (the ship lying to the quay and 
ready to set sail, the wind being fair), we gave them a 
volley of small shot and three pieces of ordnance, and so, 
lifting up our hands to each other, and hearts for each other 
to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his presence 
with us in the midst of our manifold straits he carried us 
through." * 

Among the spectators on this memorable morning of 
July 22d, 1620, were many Christian friends from Amster- 
dam and neighboring towns. They hastened to mingle 
their prayers and tears with those of the Pilgrim Fathers on 
their departure. It was an affecting scene, and, as the 
vessel was lessening in the distance, the hearts of the 
spectators, both from Leyden and Amsterdam, were up- 
lifted in fervent prayers for the pilgrim voyagers. They 
retired to their respective homes, filled with the "joy of 
grief," and blessing God that their companions and friends 
had found grace to embark in so good and righteous a cause 
as that of founding a Christian colony in the remote wilder- 
nesses of the Atlantic. 

The Pilgrims had a prosperous voyage to Southampton, 
where the Mayflower was awaiting them. While complet- 
ing their preparations, the affectionate and devoted pastor 
despatched a letter of counsel and advice to his beloved 
friends, on their conduct towards each other, and the course 
they should pursue in a foreign land. 

" Loving Christian Friends, — 

u I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being those 
with whom I am present in my best affections, and most 

* Young's Chronicles, p. 384. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 141 

earnest longings after you, though I be constrained for a 
while to be bodily absent from you. I say constrained, 
God knowing how willingly, and much rather than other- 
wise, 1 would have borne my part with you in this first 
brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the 
present. Make account of me, in the mean while, as of a 
man divided in myself with great pain, and as (natural 
bonds set aside) having my better part with you. And 
though I doubt not but in your godly wisdom you both fore- 
see, and resolve upon that which concerneth your present 
state and condition, both severally and jointly, yet have I 
thought it but my duty to add some further spur of provo- 
cation to them that run well already ; if not because you 
need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty. 

" And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with 
our God, especially for our sins known, and generally for 
our unknown sins and trespasses, so doth the Lord call us 
in a singular manner, upon occasions of such difficulty and 
danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search, 
and careful reformation of our ways in his sight ; lest he, 
calling to remembrance our sins forgotten by us, or un re- 
pented of, take advantage against us, and in judgment 
leave us for the same to be swallowed up in one danger or 
other. Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by 
earnest repentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord 
sealed up unto a man's conscience by his Spirit, great shall 
be his security and peace in all dangers, sweet his com- 
forts in all distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, 
whether in life or in death. 

" Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our 
own consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with 
[all men, what in us lieth, especially with our associates ; 
land for that end, watchfulness must be had, that we neither 
at all in ourselves do give, no, nor easily take offence, being 
[given by others. Woe be unto the world for offences ; for 
ialthough it be necessary (considering the malice of Satan 
and man's corruption) that offences come, yet woe unto 
khat man, or woman either, by whom the offence cometh, 
isaith Christ, Matt, xviii. 7. And if offences in the unsea- 
sonable use of things in themselves indifferent be more to 
be feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. 

4th s. — vol. i. 18 



142 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

ix. 15, how much more in things simply evil, in which nei- 
ther honor of God, nor love of man, is thought worthy to 
be regarded ! Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep 
ourselves by the grace of God from giving offence, except 
withal we be armed against the taking of them, when they 
be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the 
work of grace in that person who wants charity to cover 
a multitude of offences, as the Scripture speaks ! Neither 
are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the common 
grounds of Christianity, which are, that persons ready to 
take offence, either want charity to cover offences, or wis- 
dom duly to weigh human frailties, or, lastly, are gross, 
though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Matt, 
vii. 1-5; as indeed, in my own experience, few or none 
have been found which sooner give offence, than such as 
easily take it ; neither have they ever proved sound and 
profitable members in society, which have nourished this 
touchy humor. But, besides these, there are divers mo- 
tives provoking you, above others, to great care and con- 
science this way. As first, you are many of you strangers, 
as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and 
so stand in need of more watchfulness this way ; lest, 
when such things fall out in men and women as you sus- 
pected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; which 
doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity, for 
the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. 
And lastly, your intended course of civil community will 
minister continual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel 
for that fire, except you diligently quench it with brotherly 
forbearance. And if taking of offence causelessly or easily 
at men's doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much 
more heed is to be taken, that we take not offence at God 
himself: which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do mur- 
mur at his providence in our crosses, or bear impatiently 
such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to visit us. Store 
we up therefore patience against the evil day ; without 
which we take offence at the Lord himself in His holy and 
just works. 

" A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, to 
wit, that with your common employments you join common 
affections, truly bent upon the general good ; avoiding, as 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 143 

a deadly plague of your both common and special comfort, 
all retiredness of mind for proper advantage, and all singu- 
larly affected any manner of way. Let every man repress 
in himself, and the whole body in each person, as so many 
rebels against the common good, all private respect of 
men's selves not sorting with the general conveniency. 
And as men are careful not to have a new house shaken 
with any violence, before it will be settled, and the parts 
firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more 
careful that the house of God, which you are, and are to 
be, be not shaken with unnecessary novelties, or other 
oppositions at the first settling thereof. 

" Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, 
using amongst yourselves civil government, and are not 
furnished with any persons of special eminency above the 
rest to be chosen by you into office of government, let your 
wisdom and godliness appear not only in choosing such 
persons as do entirely love, and will diligently promote, the 
common good, but also in yielding unto them all due honor 
and obedience in their lawful administrations, not behold- 
ing in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's 
ordinance for your good ; nor being like the foolish multi- 
tude, who more honor the gay coat than either the virtuous 
mind of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But 
you know better things, and that the image of the Lord's 
power and authority, which the magistrate beareth, is 
honorable in how mean persons soever. And this duty 
you both may the more willingly and ought the more con- 
scionably to perform, because you are, at least for the pres- 
ent, to have only them for your ordinary governors, which 
yourselves shall make choice of for that work. 

" Sundry other things of importance I could put you in 
mind of, and of those before mentioned in more words. 
But I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think 
you heedless of these things ; there being also divers among 
you so well able to admonish both themselves and others of 
what concerneth them. These few things, therefore, and 
the same in few words, I do earnestly commend unto your 
care and conscience, joining therewith my daily incessant 
prayers unto the Lord, that He who hath made the heav- 
ens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and 



144 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

whose providence is over all His works, especially over all 
His dear children for good, would so guide and guard you 
in your ways, as inwardly by His Spirit, so outwardly by 
the hand of His power, as that both you and we also, for 
and with you, may have after matter of praising His name 
all the days of your and our lives. Fare you well, in Him 
in whom you trust, and in whom I rest, 

" An unfeigned well-wisher of your 

" happy success in this hopeful voyage, 

"John Robinson."* 

This letter is without date, but internal evidence testifies 
to its having been written between the period of their em- 
barkation at Delft Haven and their sailing from Southamp- 
ton ; and it is further proved to have been written between 
July 22d and 27th, by the following letter to Mr. Carver, 
bearing date July 27th, 1620, in which he refers to the 
letter addressed to the whole company. 

" My dear Brother, — 

" I received, inclosed, your last letter and note of infor- 
mation, which I shall carefully keep and make use of, as 
there shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your per- 
plexity of mind, and toil of body ; but I hope that you, 
having always been able so plentifully to administer com- 
fort unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for 
yourself, as that far greater difficulties than you have yet 
undergone (though 1 conceive them to be great enough) 
cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle 
speaketh. ' The spirit of a man (sustained by the Spirit of 
God) will sustain his infirmities,' Prov. xviii. 14. 1 doubt 
not, so will yours ; and the better much, when you shall 
enjoy the presence and help of so many godly and wise 
brethren, for the bearing of part of your burden ; who also 
will not admit into their hearts the least thought of sus- 
picion of any, the least negligence, at least, presumption, 
to have been in you, whatsoever they think of others. 
Now, what shall I say, or write unto you, and your good 
wife, my loving sister ? Even only this I desire, and al- 
ways shall, mercy and blessing unto you from the Lord, as 

* Vide Young's Chronicles, pp. 91 -96. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 145 

unto my own soul ; and assure yourself that my heart is 
with you, and that I will not foreslow my bodily coming at 
the first opportunity. I have written a large letter to the 
whole, and am sorry I shall not rather speak than write to 
them ; and the more, considering the want of a preacher, 
which I shall also make some spur to my hastening towards 
you. I do ever commend my best affection unto you, which 
if I thought you made any doubt of, I would express in 
more, and the same more ample and full words. And the 
Lord, in whom you trust, and whom you serve, ever in this 
business and journey, guide you with His hand, protect you 
with His wing, and show you and us His salvation in the 
end, and bring us in the mean while together in the place 
desired (if such be His good will), for His Christ's sake, 
Amen. 

" Yours, 

"John Robinson. 
"July 27 th, 1620."* 

The two vessels sailed in company from Southampton, 
on August 5th, 1620, and proceeded as far as Dartmouth, 
where, on account of the leaky condition of the Speedwell, 
they were obliged to put in for repairs. The ship having 
been refitted, they again put out to sea, when, after a few 
days, the captain reported that the vessel could not pro- 
ceed. They ran into Plymouth Harbor. The vessel was 
again examined, and found neither suitably rigged, nor 
fitted for such a voyage as was contemplated ; it was there- 
fore resolved that the Speedwell should be sold, and that 
the Mayflower should proceed alone, with as many passen- 
gers as she could carry. One hundred and one embarked, 
leaving nineteen to follow at a future opportunity. 

The gallant Mayflower, with her precious cargo, left 
Plymouth Harbor on September 6th, 1620. She encoun- 
tered severe gales, but weathered them all ; but did not 
reach the American continent till November 9th, 1620. 
Her destination was the Hudson River ; but the wintry 
blasts, and the perilous shoals, rendered it expedient that 
they should change their course, and land at Cape Cod. 
Here they dropped anchor. A party was sent ashore to 

* Young's Chronicles, pp. 89-91. 



146 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

examine the nature of the coast and the country, and on 
their return this Christian band resolved on instant de- 
barkation. Before they left the vessel, however, they en- 
tered into mutual engagements with each other, adopted a 
code of regulations for their colony, and chose one of their 
number — Mr. Carver — as their governor ; and on the 
memorable eleventh day of November, in the year of grace 
1620, the Pilgrims landed on the spot which they desig- 
nated Plymouth Rock, in remembrance of the last town in 
England they visited, and where they had been received 
with so much hospitality and kindness by Christian friends.* 

On this inhospitable and dreary spot, with the prospect 
of winter before them, without food but such as was left of 
their ship's provisions, or they might casually procure on 
the beach or in the bush, this company of pilgrim exiles, 
trusting to that gracious Providence which had hitherto 
been their guide, established themselves both as a colony 
and a church ; and thus has there sprung, from the Separ- 
atist church at Leyden, that mighty commonwealth which 
now extends over the immeasurable regions of Northern 
and Central America, and which is destined to exert a 
power and influence over the older nations of Europe and 
the world, the results of which no human sagacity can 
foresee or predict. 

" Hail to thee, poor little ship Mayflower of Delft Haven, 
- — poor common-looking ship, hired by common charter- 
party for coined dollars, — calked with mere oakum and 
tar, — provisioned with vulgarest biscuit and bacon, — yet 
what ship Argo, or miraculous epic ship, built by the sea 
gods, was other than a foolish bumbarge in comparison ! 
Golden fleeces, or the like, these sailed for, with or without 
effect. Thou, little Mayflower, hadst in thee a veritable 
Promethean spark, — the life-spark of the largest nation on 
our earth, — so we may already name the Transatlantic 
Saxon nation. They went seeking leave to hear sermon 
in their own method, these Mayflower Puritans, — a most 
indispensable search ; and yet, like Saul, the son of Kish, 
seeking a small thing, they found this unexpected great 

* [Governor Bradford's History of New Plymouth, in Young's Chronicles, p. 125, 
mentions November 11 as the day of landing in Cape Cod harbor; but, see p. 161, 
it was not until December 10 that the landing at Plymouth was effected. — Eds.] 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 147 

thing. Honor to the brave and true ! they verily, we say, 
carry fire from heaven, and have a power that themselves 
dream not of. Let all men honor Puritanism, since God 
has so honored it I "* 

On the return of the Mayflower to England, tidings of 
the safe arrival and settlement of the Pilgrim Fathers were 
conveyed to Mr. Robinson, and were received by him with 
the liveliest gratitude and joy. He still cherished towards 
his expatriated flock the warmest affection. The pastoral 
relation continuing unbroken, though oceans rolled be- 
tween, he was solicitous alike for their temporal and spirit- 
ual welfare. He sympathized with their difficulties, and 
rejoiced in their success. Learning that, in consequence 
of the rigors of the climate and the hardships incident to 
their situation, many of the devoted band had fallen by 
the hand of death during the winter, he immediately ad- 
dressed to them the following affectionate and sympathiz- 
ing letter : — 

" To the Church of God in Plymouth, New England. 

" Much beloved Brethren, — 

" Neither the distance of place, nor distinction of body, 
can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of true 
Christian affection in which the Lord by his Spirit hath 
tied us together. My continual prayers are to the Lord 
for you ; my most earnest desire is unto you ; from whom 
I will not longer keep (if God will) than means can be 
procured to bring with me the wives and children of divers 
of you and the rest of your brethren, whom I could not 
leave behind me without great injury both to you and 
them, and offence to God, and all men. The death of so 
many, our dear friends and brethren, oh ! how grievous 
hath it been to you to bear, and to us to take knowledge 
of; which, if it could be mended with lamenting, could 
not sufficiently be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, 
and they shall not return unto us. And how many, even 
of us, God hath taken away here, and in England, since 
your departure, you may elsewhere take knowledge. But 
the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, as 

* Chartism, by Thomas Carlyle, Chap. VIII. p. 80. 



148 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by whose 
godly and wise government you may be, and (I know) are 
so much helped. In a battle it is not looked for but that 
divers should die ; it is thought well for a side if it get the 
victory, though with the loss of divers, if not too many, or 
too great. God, I hope, hath given you the victory, after 
many difficulties, for yourselves and others ; though I 
doubt not but many do and will remain for you and us 
all to strive with. 

" Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience 
unto those whom God hath set over you in church and 
commonwealth, and to the Lord in them. It is a Chris- 
tian's honor to give honor according to men's places ; and 
his liberty, to serve God in faith, and his brethren in love, 
orderly, and with a willing and free heart. God forbid I 
should need to exhort you to peace, which is the bond of 
perfection, and by which all good is tied together, and 
without which it is scattered. Have peace with God first, 
by faith in his promises, good conscience kept in all things, 
and oft renewed by repentance ; and so, one with another, 
for his sake, who is, though three, one ; and for Christ's 
sake, who is one, and as you are called by one Spirit to 
one hope. And the God of peace and grace and all good- 
ness be with you, in all the fruits thereof plenteously upon 
your heads now, and for ever. All your brethren here 
remember you with great love ; a general token whereof 
they have sent you. 

" Yours ever in the Lord, 

"Jno. Robinson. 

"Leyden, Holland, June 30, Anno 1621." * 

Mr. Robinson remained contentedly with the remnant of 
his church at Leyden. He cherished the hope that he 
with his family, and others, might be speedily summoned 
by the heroic band to the shores of the Atlantic. He 
resolved, however, not to leave, till the wives and children 
of the brethren who had gone already could accompany 
him. In the same spirit of benevolence and self-denial 
which prompted him to remain on the banks of the Hum- 

* Young's Chronicles, pp. 473-475. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 149 

ber with the wives and children of the fugitives, he con- 
tinued at Lejden to support and watch over the more 
helpless and dependent part of his Christian family. 

A letter was sent by Mr. Robinson to his beloved friend, 
Mr. Brewster, two years after the Pilgrims had left Europe, 
which expresses his earnest desire to embark, but shows 
the difficulties of his position, and the improbability of a 
speedy settlement in Plymouth. 

" Loving and dear Friend and Brother, — 

" That which I most desire of God in regard of you, 
namely, the continuance of your life and health, and the 
safe coming of those sent unto you, that I most gladly 
hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope Mrs. 
Brewster's weak and decayed state of body will have some 
repairing by the coming of her daughters, and the pro- 
visions in this and other ships sent, which I hear are 
made for you ; which makes us with the more patience 
bear our languishing state, and the deferring of our desired 
transportation (which I call desired, rather than hoped 
for), whatsoever you are borne in hand with by others. 
For first, there is no hope at all that I know, nor can con- 
ceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end, so 
that all must depend upon returns from you, in which 
are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any cer- 
tainty can thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever, for 
the present, the ' Adventurers ' allege nothing but want of 
money, which is an invincible difficulty ; yet if that be 
taken away by you, others, without doubt, will be found. 
For the better clearing of this, we must dispose the Adven- 
turers into three parts ; and of them some five or six (as I 
conceive) are absolutely bent for us above others. Other 
five or six are our bitter, professed adversaries. The rest, 
being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded, and 
lovingly also towards us ; yet such as have others, namely, 
the forward preachers, nearer unto them than us, and 
whose course, so far as there is any difference, they would 
advance, rather than ours. Now what a hank these men 
have over the professors you know, and I persuade myself 
that for me, they, of all others, are unwilling I should be 
transported ; especially such as have an eye that way them- 
4th s. — vol. i. 19 



150 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

selves, as thinking, if I come there, their market will be 
marred in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they 
have but half their will to their malice, they will stop my 
course when they see it intended, for which this delaying 
serveth them very opportunely ; and as one rusty jade can 
hinder, by hanging back, more than two or three can or 
will (at least if they be not very free) draw forward, so 
will it be in this case. A notable experiment of this they 
gave in your messenger's presence, constraining the com- 
pany to promise that none of the money now gathered 
should be expended or employed to the help of any of us 
towards you. 

" Now touching the question propounded by you, I judge 
it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as Rom. xii. 
7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17, opposed to the elders that teach, 
and exhort, and labor in the word and doctrine, to which 
the sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor con- 
venient, if it were lawful. 

" Be you heartily saluted, and your wife with you, both 
from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the God of 
all His, bring us together, if it be His will, and keep us in 
the mean while, and always, to His glory, and make us 
serviceable to His majesty, and faithful to the end. Amen. 
" Your very loving brother, 

" John Robinson. 

"Leijclen, Dec. 20, 1623."* 

The latter part of this letter evinces the tenacity with 
which Mr. Robinson held his opinion respecting church 
order: not consenting that the Lord's Supper should be 
administered even by his elder, Mr. Brewster, though the 
church had no pastor with them, nor was likely to obtain 
one till some distant period. Contending, as he does in 
his work, for the right of the church to select and ordain 
its ministers, it is surprising that he should have objected, 
in such a case as this, to the appointment of Mr. Brewster 
to this duty, at least till he could himself come over and 
preside amongst them. The principle on which only he 
could consistently justify such advice as he gave, was the 
idea that the two churches, in Leyden and in New Ply- 

* Vide Young's Chronicles, pp, 475-477. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 151 

mouth, were but one, and that no change in its organization 
or officers was at present desirable. This surely is consis- 
tency carried to an extreme. The ordinance was of more 
importance than the office. It was instituted before the 
office ; and, being a social institution, the church surely 
was competent to its administration, when a pastor could 
not be obtained. 

" Hoping against hope," he earnestly desired to exercise 
his pastoral function for a few years among his Trans- 
atlantic friends. But the Great Head of the Church was 
pleased to arrange otherwise, and to call him away from 
the scenes of toil and suffering on earth, to the repose and 
blessedness of heaven. He labored in his spiritual and 
ministerial vocation during five years after the colonization 
of part of his church. He sickened on Saturday, February 
22d, 1625, but preached twice on the following day. An 
" inward ague" consumed him. His strength gradually 
failed, and in eight days he was numbered with the dead. 
The first day of March, 1625, witnessed his departure to 
brighter regions, — a day of deep lamentation to his church 
at Leyden and in America, and of poignant regret to the 
friends of the Redeemer, both in Holland and in England, 
by whom he was known and his character appreciated. 
He died in the prime and vigor of his days, and in the 
full maturity of his powers, being only fifty years of age. 
No record of his dying experience or sayings is preserved. 
He retained the full possession of his faculties. He was 
visited constantly by members of his church. They were 
importunate in their prayers that he might be spared. But 
his testimony was concluded, his work was done. The 
foundations of a growing church and empire were deeply 
laid on distant shores by those " spiritual heroes" whom he 
had trained in intelligence and piety. He was no longer 
needed. The pilgrims must cease from man, and look 
only to Him whose pillar of cloud and of fire had hitherto 
conducted them, and by whose presence and blessing alone 
they could advance and prosper. 

Mr. Robinson was conveyed to his long home amidst 
the tears and regrets of his family and friends. Mr. Wins- 
low states, that such was the respect in which Mr. Robin- 
son was held by the citizens, that, " when God took him 



152 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

away from them and us by death, the University and min- 
isters of the city accompanied him to his grave with all 
their accustomed solemnities, bewailing the great loss, that 
not only that particular church had, whereof he was pastor, 
but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed that all the 
churches of Christ sustained a loss by the death of that 
worthy instrument of the Gospel." * Mr. Prince also 
states that he was informed, when at Leyden, "that he 
was had in high esteem both by the city and University, 
for his learning, piety, moderation, and excellent accom- 
plishments ; the magistrates, ministers, scholars, and most 
of the gentry, mourned his death as a public loss, and fol- 
lowed him to the grave," t and moreover, that he was 
buried in the " chancel " of one of the churches of the city 
which had been appropriated to the use of his congregation. 

The tombs of martyrs and the graves of the illustrious 
dead have ever been held in veneration. Visits to these 
hallowed spots are constantly made by those who imbibe 
their sentiments and seek to walk in their steps. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that the burial-place of Mr. Robinson 
should have been eagerly sought after by the descendants 
of the Pilgrim Fathers. Mr. Prince states it to have been 
in " the chancel" of the church, given by the magistrates of 
the city, and occupied by the exiles. But that church has 
not been discovered, and the result of Mr. Sumner's re- 
searches seems to render it improbable that any building 
of the kind was ever appropriated to their use. 

" It was not without some difficulty that I found at Ley- 

* Winslow's Narrative, in Young's Chronicles, pp. 392, 393. 

t Prince's New England Chronology, p. 238. 

Mr. Sumner demurs to the accuracy of both these statements ; — he regards them 
as mere exaggerations and embellishments of truth, and calculated, if not designed, 
to give a factitious honor to the memory of the Leyden pastor. Mr. Winslow cer- 
tainly was not in Holland at the time, but his visit to Leyden was only about twenty 
years subsequently, when many of the congregation, and of his former fellow- 
worshippers, were still living, and could give him information respecting the funeral 
solemnities. There is no improbability that some of the professors of the University 
of which Mr. Robinson was a member, and ministers of the city, with whom he 
lived on terms of inlimacy, should join the procession and accompany it to the grave. 
The plague was indeed in Leyden, but not very prevalent ; and as Mr. Robinson 
had not died of that fell disease, and his friends had visited him to the last moment 
of existence, there would be no very formidable objection to the professors and 
others giving this last testimony of their respect to their beloved friend and associate. 

Mr. Prince's statement may be taken with some qualification, as he did not visit 
Leyden till 1714, — nearly a century after the event described, — and could receive 
only traditionary information derived from the ancestors of his friends. He appears 
evidently to have been misinformed respecting the church and the chancel. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 153 

den the place of Robinson's grave, being misled at first by 
the statement of Prince, that he was buried in a church 
which had been granted to his congregation. Having 
sought at the Stadt- House and at other places for some 
record, without success, I, at last, in a small closet attached 
to the cathedral church of St. Peter, full of old dust-covered 
volumes, fell upon one which contained a record of the re- 
ceipts of the different churches in Leyden, from 1619 to 
1629. Most of these receipts were for burial- fees ; and on 
looking over the lists of each church for the year 1625, the 
year of Robinson's death, 1 found the receipt for his inter- 
ment, at the Peter's Kerk, the church in which I then was. 
The title of this manuscript volume is ' Blaffaarden van de 
Hoofd-kerken, Ad. 1619 tot 1629'; and the receipt for 
Robinson's burial is in the following words : — 

1625. ) Openenen en huer van Jan Robens, 
10 Mart. ) Engels predekant — 9 florins. 

Or, in English, ' Open and hire for John Robens, English 
preacher — nine florins.' This sum of nine florins is the 
lowest paid for any person whose burial is recorded. Mr. 
De Pecker, who, under the Director-General at the Hague, 
is the administrator of the affairs of the churches in Ley- 
den, and who is well acquainted with the mode of inter- 
ment at different periods, informed me that this sum was 
paid only for the hire, for a few years, of a place immedi- 
ately under the pavement, in one of a large number of 
square pits, containing space sufficient for four coffins. At 
the end of seven years, these bodies were all removed. For 
tombs which were walled up, the prices paid were much 
higher. The profession of each person buried is named in 
the register; and those against whose names the receipt of 
nine florins is put were, I found, invariably persons in the 
humblest walks of life, journeymen weavers, &c, while 
others, who are noted as mechanics or artisans, were buried 
in places of fifteen and eighteen florins." 

Mr. Robinson died March 1st, 1625; he was buried on 
the 4th of March. In the Gravenboeck, or Book of In- 
terments, which was deposited in the Stadt House, in 
1812, the following record appears of Robinson's inter- 
ment : — 



154 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

« 1625. 

4 Maart. — Jan Roelends, Predicant van de Engelsche 

Gemeente, by het Klockhuijs, — begraven in 

de Pieter's Kerk." 

Translation. — John Roelends, Preacher of the English 

sect, by the Belfry, — buried in the Peter's 

Church. 

" The church of St. Peter is the oldest in Leyden, and 
the date of the first building is now quite unknown. In 
September, 1121, Godebald, twenty-fourth bishop of 
Utrecht, consecrated it by the name of St. Peter and St. 
Paul, and in 1339 it was much enlarged."* 

The following letters or extracts announce and deplore 
the departure of Mr. Robinson to his last home. They 
are taken, as Dr. Young states, " from Governor Bradford's 
Letter-book, which was recovered about fifty years since, 
from a grocer's shop in Halifax, Nova Scotia." A consid- 
erable portion of the volume had been destroyed before it 
was discovered to be so valuable a. document. The frag- 
ment is now preserved with the utmost care, as a precious 
relic of the devoted man by whom the letters had been 
collected. 

1. 

" To his loving Friend, Mr. William Bradford, Governor of 
Plymouth, in New England, these be, etc. 

" Loving and kind Friends, etc., — 

" I know not whether ever this will come to your hands, 
or miscarry, as other of my letters have done ; yet, in re- 
gard of the Lord's dealings with us here, I have had a 
great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear 
a part with us, both in our joys and sorrows, as we do with 
you. 

" These, therefore, are to give you to understand that it 
hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your 
and our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and rev- 
erend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 



* Vide Sumner's Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden, pp. 55, 56, 71. — Printed 
by the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. IX. 3d Series. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 155 

eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morn- 
ing ; yet the next day, being the Lord's day, he taught us 
twice, and the week after, grew every day weaker than 
other, yet felt no pain, but weakness, all the time of his 
sickness. The physic he took wrought kindly, in man's 
judgment, yet he grew every day w r eaker than other, feel- 
ing little or no pain, yet sensible to the very last. He fell 
sick the twenty-second of February, and departed this life 
on the first of March. He had a continual inward ague, 
but, I thank the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all 
his friends could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, 
tears, or means would have saved his life, he had not gone 
hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and 
performed his work, which the Lord had appointed him 
here to perform, he now rests with the Lord in eternal 
happiness ; we wanting him, and all church governors, not 
having one at present, that is a governing officer among us. 
Now for ourselves, here left, (I mean the whole church,) 
we still, by the mercy of God, continue and hold close 
together in peace and quietness, and so I hope we shall 
do, though we be very weak ; wishing (if such were the 
will of God) that you and we were again together in one, 
either there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord 
thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience to 
rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose 

of things 

" Your assured loving friend, 

" Roger White. 
"Leyden, April 28th, Anno 1625." 

II. ' 

The Leyden_ People to Bradford and Brewster. 

" To our most dear and entirely beloved Brethren, Mr. 
William Bradford, and Mr. William Brewster, grace, 
mercy, and true peace be multiplied from God our 
Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 

"Most dear Christian Friends and Brethren, — 

" As it is no small grief unto you, so is it no less unto 
us, that w T e are constrained to live thus disunited each 



156 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

from other, especially considering our affections each unto 
other, for the mutual edifying and comfort of both, in these 
evil days wherein we live, if it pleased the Lord to bring 
us again together ; than which, as no outward thing could 
be mora comfortable unto us, or is more desired of us, if 
the Lord see it good, so see we no hope of means of 
accomplishing the same, except it come from you ; and 
therefore must with patience rest in the work and will of 
God, performing our duties to him and you asunder ; 
whom we are not any way able to help, but by our con- 
tinual prayers to him for you, and sympathy of affections 
with you, for the troubles which befall you ; till it please 
the Lord to reunite us again. But, our dearly beloved 
brethren, concerning your kind and respective letter, how- 
soever written by one of you, yet as we continue with the 
consent (at least in affection) of you both, although we 
cannot answer your desire and expectation, by reason 
it hath pleased the Lord to take to himself out of this 
miserable world our dearly beloved pastor, yet for our- 
selves we are minded, as formerly, to come unto you, 
when, and as, the Lord affordeth means ; though we see 
little hope thereof at present, as being unable of ourselves, 
and that our friends will help us we see little hope. And 
now, brethren, what shall we say further unto you ? Our 
desire and prayer to God is (if such were his good will and 
pleasure), we might be reunited for the edifying and 
mutual comfort of both, which, when he sees fit, he will 
accomplish. In the mean time, we commit you unto him, 
and to the word of his grace ; whom we beseech to guide, 
and direct, both you and us, in all his ways, according to 
that his Word, and to bless all our lawful endeavors for 
the glory of his name, and the good of his people. Salute, 
we pray you, all the church and brethren with you, to 
whom we would have sent this letter, if we knew it could 
not be prejudicial unto you, as we hope it cannot ; yet 
fearing the worst, we thought fit either to direct it to you, 
our two beloved brethren, leaving it to your goodly wisdom 
and discretion, to manifest our mind to the rest of our 
loving friends and brethren, as you see most convenient. 
And thus entreating you to remember us in your prayers, 
as we also do you, we for this time commend you, and 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 157 

all your affairs, to the direction, and protection of the 
Almighty, and rest, 

" Your assured loving friends, 
" And brethren in the Lord, 

"Francis Jessop, 
Thomas Nash, 
Thomas Blossom, 
Roger White, 
Richard Maisterson. 
"Leyden, Nov. 30th, AD. 1625." 

The following letter was written by Mr. Blossom, one of 
the members of the church, who had returned in the Speed- 
well to London, and thence proceeded to Leyden again ; 
but who, in a few years after Mr. Robinson's death, found 
iieans of emigrating to New Plymouth, and became a 
leacon of the church. 

III. 

Thomas Blossom to 'Governor Bradford. 

' Beloved Sir, — 

" Kind salutations, &c. I have thought good to write 
o you, concerning the cause as it standeth both with you 
ind us. We see, alas, what frustrations and disappoint- 
nents it pleaseth the Lord to send in this our course, good 
n itself, and according to godliness taken in hand, and for 
£ood and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth not to prosper as 
we are, for reasons best known to himself; and which also 
learly concerns us to consider of, whether we have sought 
;he Lord in it as we see, or not. That the Lord hath 
iingularly preserved life in the business to great admira- 
:ion, giveth me good hope that he will, (if our sins hinder 
lot,) in his appointed time, give a happy end unto it. On 
he contrary, when I consider how it pleaseth the Lord to 
toss those means that should bring us together, being now 
\o far off, or farther than ever, in our apprehension ; as 
ilso to take that means away which would have been so 
omfortable unto us, in that course, both for wisdom of 
ounsel, as also for our singular help in our course of godli- 
less ; whom the Lord (as it were) took away even as 
4th s. — vol. i. 20 



158 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

fruit falleth before it was ripe, when neither length of days, 
nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for his end. The 
Lord even then took him away, as it were in his anger : 
whom, if tears would have held, he had remained to this 
day. The loss of his ministry was very great unto me, 
for I ever counted myself happy in the enjoyment of it, 
notwithstanding all the crosses and losses otherwise I sus- 
tained. Yet indeed the manner of his taking away hath 
more troubled me, as fearing the Lord's anger in it, that, 
as I said, in the ordinary course of things, might still have 
remained, as also the singular service he might have yet 
done in the Church of God. Alas ! dear friends, our state 
and cause in religion by his death, being wholly destitute 
of any that may defend our cause as it should against our 
adversaries ; that we may take up that doleful complaint in 
the Psalm, that there is ' no prophet left among us, nor 
any that knoweth how long.' Alas ! you would fain have 
had him with you, and he would as fain have come to you. 
Many letters and much speech hath been about his coming 
to you, but never any solid course propounded for his 
going ; if the course propounded the last year had appeared 
to have been certain, he would have gone, though with two 
or three families. I know no man amongst us knew his 
mind better than I did, about those things ; he was loath 
to leave the church, yet I know also, that he would have 
accepted the worst conditions, which in the largest extent 
of a good conscience could be taken, to have come to you. 
For myself, and all such others as have formerly minded 
coming, it is much-what the same, if the Lord afford 



means 



" Yours to his power, 

"Thomas Blossom. 
"Leyden, December 15, Anno 1625." * 

Mr. Robinson left a widow to deplore the loss of so 
beloved and devoted a husband, and it is believed also that 
two sons, John and Isaac, survived their father. They 
continued to reside at Leyden for a few years ; and, as 
Hoornbeek the Leyden Professor states, in consequence 

* Vide Young's Chronicles, pp 478-488. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 159 

of contentions that arose among the surviving members of 
the church respecting hearing of the Word, united them- 
selves to the Reformed Church in Holland.* 



SECTION V. 
MR. ROBINSON: HIS CHARACTER AND WRITINGS. 

No records of Mr. Robinson's private history or religious 
experience are extant. His character and attainments 
must, therefore, be judged of by his writings, and the few 
testimonies that were borne respecting them by his friends 
and his foes. Those who knew him intimately speak of 
his character in terms of admiration. His deep piety and 
extensive erudition, his amiable, affectionate, and catholic 
spirit, his exemplary conduct, and his unspotted reputation, 
are themes of their eulogy and praise. 

He was " a man not easily to be paralleled for all things, 
whose singular virtues we shall not take upon us here to 
describe. Neither need we, for they so well are known 
both by friends and enemies. As he was a man learned 
and of solid judgment, and of a quick and sharp wit, so 
was he also of a tender conscience and very sincere in all 
his ways ; a hater of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and 
would be very plain with his best friends. He was very 
courteous, affable, and sociable in his conversation, and 
towards his own people especially. He was an acute and 
expert disputant, very quick and ready, and had much 
bickering with the Arminians, who stood more in fear of 
him than of any in the University. He was never satisfied 
in himself until he had searched any cause or argument 
he had to deal in, thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we 
have heard him sometimes say to his familiars, ' that many 
times, both in writing and disputation, he knew he had 
sufficiently answered others, but many times not himself: 
and was ever desirous of any light, and the more able, 
learned, and holy the persons were, the more he desired to 

* Vide Hoornbeek's Summa Controversiarum Religionis, p. 741, ed. 1658. 



160 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

confer and reason with them. He was very profitable in 
his ministry and comfortable to his people. He was much 
beloved of them, and as loving was he unto them, and 
entirely sought their good for soul and body." * 

" Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect 
that this worthy man had to his flock and his flock to him, 
that it might be said of them, as it was once said of that 
famous emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the people of Rome, 
that it was hard to judge whether he delighted more in 
having such a people, or they in having such a pastor. His 
love was great towards them, and his care was always bent 
for their best good, both for soul and body. For, besides 
his singular abilities in divine things, wherein he excelled, 
he was able also to give direction in civil affairs, and to 
foresee dangers and inconveniences ; by which means he 
was very helpful to their outward estates ; and so was 
every way, as a common father unto them. And none did 
more offend him than those that were close and cleaving 
to themselves, and retired from the common good : as also 
such as would be stiff and rigid in matters of outward 
order, and inveigh against the evils of others, and yet be 
remiss in themselves, and not so careful to express a virtu- 
ous conversation. They, in like manner, had ever a rev- 
erent regard unto him, and had him in precious estimation 
as his worth and wisdom did deserve ; and although they 
esteemed him highly whilst he lived and labored among 
them, yet much more after his death, when they came to 
feel the want of his help, and saw by woful experience 
what a treasure they had lost, to the grief of their hearts 
and wounding of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they saw 
could not be repaired." f 

Hoornbeek, in his " Summa Controversiarum," already 
referred to, says, "John Robinson was most dear to us 
while he lived, was on familiar terms with the Leyden 
theologians, and was greatly esteemed by them. He 
wrote, moreover, in a variety of ways against the Armin- 
ians ; and was the frequent opponent and bold antagonist 
of Episcopius himself in the University." 

Even Baylie, the opponent of the Independents, while 

* Vide Governor Bradford's Dialogues, in Young's Chronicles, pp.451, 452. 
1 Bradford's History, in Young's Chronicles, pp. 36-38. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 161 

denouncing in no measured terms the whole denomination 
in his " Dissuasives against the Errors of the Times," 
acknowledges that " Robinson was a man of excellent 
parts, and the most learned^ polished, and modest spirit 
that ever separated from the Church of England." 

Similar incidental testimonies might be collected and 
transcribed ; but these may suffice to prove the great re- 
spect in which he was held, as a man, a scholar, and a 
Christian. 

His writings demonstrate that he was preeminently a 
man of God, and a most conscientious and devoted min- 
ister of Jesus Christ. 

His love to the Divine Word was supreme, and con- 
formity to it was his intense desire. Only the " most 
sound and unresistible convictions of conscience by the 
Word of God" could satisfy him as to the course he should 
pursue either as a Christian or a pastor. " It is unto me 
a matter of great scruple and conscience, to depart one 
hair-breadth (extraordinary accidents ever excepted) from 
their (the Apostles') practice and institution, in any thing 
truly ecclesiastical, though never so small in itself, what- 
soever, by whomsoever, and with what color soever is 
invented and imposed, touching the government of the 
Church, which is the house and tabernacle of the living 
God. As a partner in this faith I do hope to live and die ; 
and to appear before Jesus Christ with boldness in that 
great and fearful day of his coming."* 

Mr. Robinson's docility and candor are transparent. He 
was ever ready to receive instruction from friends or foes. 
Though decided in his convictions, he did not deem him- 
self infallible. Hence the advice he gave, both in his 
Farewell Address, and in his Letter of Instructions to his 
church, when about to proceed on their voyage, " to receive 
whatsoever light or truth should be made known to them 
from the written Word." The same sentiment repeatedly 
occurs in his various treatises, as particularly in the close of 
his preface to his " Religious Communion." " Had my 
persuasion in it (the truth) been fuller than ever it was, 
I profess myself always one of them who still desire to 
learn further or better what the good will of God is." 

■ Vide [Works,] Vol. III., Apology, pp. 40, 41. 



162 Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 

Though a firm believer in the inspiration and infallibility 
of the Scriptures, he was not a believer in the finality of 
human interpretations of the Bible. Hence his lamenta- 
tion, that many Protestants had come to " a period in 
religion," and would proceed no farther than their respec- 
tive masters, Luther or Calvin, had led them. He was 
persuaded that a fuller development of the truth would be 
made, as men proceeded in the prayerful investigation of 
the Holy Oracles. 

He became a Puritan, a Separatist, and an Exile, on 
purely conscientious grounds. His dissent he always rep- 
resents as his necessity and his cross. " Whereupon we 
(the weakest of all others) have been persuaded of this 
truth of our Lord Jesus Christ, though in great and mani- 
fold afflictions, and to hold out his testimony as we do, 
though without approbation of our sovereign, knowing 
that, as his approbation in such points of God's worship, 
as his Word warranteth not, cannot make them lawful : 
so neither can his disallowance make unlawful such duties 
of religion as the Word of God approveth, nor can he give 
dispensation to any person to forbear the same. Dan. 
iii. 18; Acts v. 29." * 

" Accounting it a cross that I am in any particular com- 
pelled to dissent from them (his Christian countrymen) to 
whom God hath tied me in so many inviolable bonds, but 
a benefit and a matter of rejoicing, when I can in any 
thing, with good conscience, unite with them in matter, if 
not in manner, or where it may be, in both. And this 
affection, the Lord and my conscience are my witnesses, 
I have always nourished in my breast, even when I seemed 
furthest drawn from them, and have opposed in others and 
repressed in mine own (to my power) all sour zeal against, 
and peremptory rejection of such, as whose holy graces 
challenged better use and respect from all Christians."! 

There are some shades of difference between the opin- 
ions and practices of Mr. Robinson respecting church gov- 
ernment and ordinances, and those of the modern Congre- 
gationalists. 

He maintained the spirituality and self-government of 

* Vide [Works,] Vol. II., "Justification," &c, p. 13. 

t Vide [Works,] Vol. III., "Treatise on Lawfulness of Hearing," p. 353. 



Memoir of Rev. John Robinson. 163 

the Church of Christ, but allowed the interference of the 
magistrate to compel attendance on public worship, though 
not to dictate opinion. More light has certainly been 
revealed to his descendants on this subject : and doubtless, 
had he lived much longer, he would have renounced his 
notions respecting magisterial interference in religious af- 
fairs. He was not singular in his opinion. His imme- 
diate contemporaries, Johnson, Jacob, and Ainsworth, sym- 
pathized with his views. Robert Browne was greatly in 
advance of him and these eminent men. They pleaded for 
" toleration and liberty," Mr. Browne for liberty entire. 
Mr. Robinson's Baptist contemporaries, but whose publica- 
tions were subsequent to Browne's, had more clear and 
definite views on liberty of conscience than Mr. Robin- 
son's. Some of their tracts have been recently published,* 
and contain both vigorous and earnest appeals on behalf 
of unqualified and perfect liberty of conscience and wor- 
ship. The celebrated Roger Williams was originally an 
Independent, and studied and wrote his elaborate treatise 
on the " Bloudy Tenent of Persecution " while an Inde- 
pendent, but did not publish it till a few years afterwards. 
In the mean while he had joined the Baptist community, 
but had now changed his opinion respecting the ordinances 
altogether. 

Mr. Robinson's opinions on all points respecting church 
officers, and government, and worship, are briefly stated in 
his Catechism, in the third volume of his Works, but are 
amplified and detailed in various parts of his writings. 
Convinced of the truth of his principles, he desired their 
extension through the world, and uttered his belief of their 
ultimate triumph, in these remarkable words : " Religion is 
not always sown and reaped in one age. One soweth and 
another reapeth. The many that are already gathered, by 
the mercy of God, unto the kingdom of his Son Jesus, and 
the nearness of many more through the whole land, for the 
regions are 'white unto harvest,' do promise, within less 
than a hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us and 
them unworthy of his mercy, a very plenteous harvest." t 

The prediction was verified. One hundred years passed, 

* Vide Tracts on Liberty of Conscience, published by Hanserd Knollys Society, 
t [Works,] Vol. II., " On Justification," p. 86. 



164 Memoir of Rev, John Robinson. 

and the great principles Mr. Robinson contended for had 
spread throughout England, and a considerable portion of 
America. A second century has gone, exhibiting the power 
and triumph of the truth ; and the third is fraught with 
still more hopeful indications of the universal spread of the 
Gospel, and of the establishment of spiritual and voluntary 
churches of Christ throughout the world. 



MANVMISSI- 

ONTOAMANV- 

DVCTION, 

OR ANSWER TO A LETTER INFERRING PUB- 

lique communion in the parrish assemblies upon private 

with godly persons there. 



Standfast in the liberty wherwith Christ hath made you free. 
Gal. 5. 1. 



Be not partaker of other mens sinns : 
keep thyself pure. 1. Tim. 5. 22. 



By Iohn Robinson, 



Anno Domini. 1615. 



4th S. VOL. I. 21 



166 



To the godly reader. 

Albeit I be justly sorry for all oppositions against the truth, 
yet not for this occasion of further manifesting that my formerly 
professed persuasion, that public communion with the parish as- 
semblies cannot be inferred upon private with godly persons though 
members there: the constitution and estate of the same assemblies 
rearing up a partition wall, neither so transparent as may be seen 
through, much less so open as may be passed, no not in the best 
charity, as this manuducent supposeth : but, on the contrary, so 
gross, and entire in evil, as that no engine of wit or art can so 
batter it, as to make a safe passage through it for a good con- 
science. 

Needful it were in a matter of this nature and weight, that the 
manuducent, or handleader, should guide men by the plain and 
open way of the Scriptures, as is the way of the Lord in them 
laid down, open and plain as the king's highway, and beaten by 
the feet of the apostolical churches ; and not by subtile qumries, 
and doubtful suppositions, and such underhand conveyances, as 
may lead the unwary into a maze and there lose him, but cannot 
clear the way for an upright conscience. Of the way of Christ 
it was prophesied of old: a An highway shall be there, and a 
way,*andit shall be called the way of holiness; the unclean shall\ 
not pass over it, for he shall be with these; the wayfaring [men], 
though fools, shall not err therein. But so many and doubtful 
are the windings of this man's way, as that he who finds it needs, 
be no wayfaring man, but a town-dweller, and well acquainted 
with all the secret turnings thereof: nor a fool, as the prophet 
speaketh, but one having wit indeed more than a good deal. 
But let them Hn whose hearts are the highways of the Lord, 
that they may go from strength to strength, till they appear unto 
God in Sion, let them, I say, not suffer themselves to be led by 
the turnings of man's device whatsoever, but by the c words of 
the wisdom of God, which are all in righteousness, and in which 
there is nothing wreathed, or perverse ; but they are all plain to 
him that will understand, and straight to him that would find 
knowledge. 

Now for my persuasion about public and private communion, 
it is the same which I have manifested in my other book ; and 
that wherein (so far as by the weak light, which God hath given 
to shine in my heart, I can discern) I neither wrong the good in 
that church, (person or thing,) nor partake in the evil of either. 
My trust is, that God who hath given me my part (though in 
great infirmity) in the prophet's comfort, d With all my heart have 
I sought thee, will also fulfil his request upon me, Let me nol\ 
wander from thy commandments. 

a Isa. xxxv. 8. b Psalm lxxxiv. 5, 7. c Prov. viii. 8, 9. d Psalm cxix. 10. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 1G7 

It was some addition of honor to a David's victory over 
the Philistine, that he slew him with his own sword ; upon 
which mine opposite, as it seems, enterpriseth the beating 
down of the partition wall of our separation from the parish 
assemblies in their public communion, government, and min- 
istry, by the engine of mine own acknowledgment of pri- 
vate communion with the persons and personal graces of 
many Christians, though otherwise members there ; upon 
w r hich acknowledgment he therefore propoundeth certain 
quceries or demands, in number seven : the first whereof is, 

Suppose one of those many so qualified, as that, in the 
judgment of those that can discern, he is competently fit to 
be employed in the sacred ministry, having his own heart 
given to that work, and the hearts of many craving his 
help; suppose, I say, that such a man (not finding means, 
for the present, for a comfortable entrance into that calling) 
shall, by leave, in a public assembly, where many like him- 
self and many unlike are gathered together, without any 
further calling, for a time perform the actions of prayer and 
prophesying, without any addition, detraction, or alteration 
of that which he had lawfully done in private ; my demand 
is, whether it be not lawful to communicate with him in 
his work ? 

I answer, that these exercises of religion, not performed 
by this person by any public calling or authority, but only 
by his personal gift and desire to do good, are not public or 
church actions, but private and personal ; nor communion 
with him therein public, but private communion : no, not 
though performed by him in a public place ; which no more 
makes the action to be of public nature, or a church ac- 
tion, which in my whole book I make (as they are) the 
same, than did the private chambers? where the apostles 
administered the word and sacraments to the churches, 
make these their administrations private or personal. Rea- 
son itself teacheth, that public actions are only such as are 
performed by public authority. See Mr. Perkins, in [his] 
Treatise of Christian Equity, for this purpose. 

The same answer serveth for the second query, which 
supposeth only a longer continuance of time in the same 

a 1 Sam. xvii. 51. b Acts i. 13, &c, and x. 30, 47, and xx. 7. 



163 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

course, by connivency of them in authority ; since mere 
continuance in the same course (especially as an ordinate 
means to the same end) altereth not the nature thereof. 
And so this, as the former query, is beside the purpose in 
hand. Only I add, that no man can continue thus preach- 
ing in a public place, especially some years, but under the 
cloak and appearance of a bishop's minister, though he be 
not such indeed. 

Q. Suppose yet the same man obtaineth a license from 
the lord bishop of the diocese, without any unlawful con- 
dition, for to continue in that his course ; I ask, whether 
that leave or license given doth pollute the actions : seeing 
a man may ask leave of the Great Turk to preach the 
Gospel within his dominions ? 

A. This supposition containeth a contradiction ; for the 
very obtaining and receiving the bishop's license (which 
yet I think no man doth before he have received orders, 
as they are called) is a real acknowledgment that the 
bishop hath a lawful power to grant it, which is an unlaw- 
ful condition. John Clay don* a martyr of Christ, was 
otherwise minded than this man, when he witnessed that 
the bishop's license to preach the word of God a was the 
true character of the beast, that is, Antichrist. Neither is 
there the like reason of procuring the bishop's license to 
preach the Gospel in his province or diocese, and of asking 
leave of the Great Turk to preach in his dominions. For, 
1. He minceth the matter too much, in making this obtain- 
ing of the bishop } s license to be nothing but the asking him 
leave, as a man may ask leave of the Great Turk, that is, 
desire him not to hinder him. For, to obtain license of 
the bishop is to obtain public authority of the public officer, 
and, according to the public laws of the church, to exercise 
a public ministry. 2. The Great Turk is a lawful civil 
magistrate in his dominions, with whose civil authority it is 
lawful to partake ; but so is not the bishop a lawful eccle- 
siastical officer in his province or diocese, with whose spir- 
itual jurisdiction God's servants may communicate. And 
is this to lead men by the hand, to take for granted the 
main question in controversy, to wit, that the bishops' 

* 1415. Mr. Fox. * Rev. xiii. 15, 16, 17, and xiv. 9, 10. 



A Manumission to a Manuduciion. 1G9 

jurisdiction in their provinces and dioceses is lawful : which 
I have also by sundry arguments proved unlawful and anti- 
christian. Surely they who suffer themselves to be thus 
led a must be as destitute of spiritual sight, as was Saul of 
bodily, when men led him by the hand to Damascus. Their 
authority then being proved (and so confessed by this mine 
opposite elsewhere) antichristian, and so consequently one 
of the sins b of Babylon, whether exercised by themselves or 
by others, either officials in the consistories, or ministers 
in the parochial churches ; [it] may not by God's people be 
partaken with, no, not in actions though otherwise lawful, 
under the pain of Babylon's plagues. 

And this answer also serveth to the fourth demand, or 
supposition of this person's taking, besides his license, the 
form of admission called orders, of the diocesan. And so, 
that which I bring, page 15, Argument 2, of my book, 
is here misapplied. I there speak of lawful actions per- 
formed merely by the personal grace of faith and the Spirit 
in a godly man, though of infirmity remaining in an estate 
and standing otherwise culpable : but here of actions though 
in themselves lawful, yet performed immediately by virtue, 
or by vice rather, of that very unlawful state and standing. 

Q. 5. Suppose, after this, that being desired and so 
chosen by some assembly, wherein are many fearing God 
apparently, he takes a pastoral charge of them, having the 
bishop's and patron's admission, but chiefly and professedly 
grounding his calling upon the people's choice ; and that 
he do nothing but the same he did before, besides the ad- 
ministration of the sacraments to such as are in charity and 
discretion to be esteemed worthy ; what hindereth from 
communion here ? 

A. Indeed, if men may take liberty in disputing first to 
suppose what themselves have a mind unto, and after to 
suppose that others are also of the same mind with them, 
and yet have little reason either for the one or other, they 
may then easily conclude their purposes. But, 1. I deny 
that an assembly gathered and consisting of many fearing 
God, and many (which must also be supposed) without the 
fear of God, is a lawful church-assembly, having a right in 

a Acts ix. b Rev. xviii. 4. 



170 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

communion, or common right, to call and enjoy a pastor 
and his pastoral administrations. 2. I deny that any doth 
or can truly take a pastoral charge in the parish assemblies. 
It belongs to the pastor's charge not only to teach, and 
minister the sacraments, but also (and that as a main part 
or duty thereof) to govern and rule the flock ;* which no 
parochial minister doth or can take upon him. 

3. The Church of England doth allow no such calling 
as is chiefly grounded upon the people's choice ; but only 
that which is grounded upon the bishop's ordination at the 
first, and to the ministry at large ; and determinately, either 
upon the bishop's license, or upon the patron's presenta- 
tion, bishop's institution, and archdeacon's induction, con- 
firmed by the public laws of the same church, both eccle- 
siastical and civil. According to which public laws and 
orders (especially submission unto them being publicly pro- 
fessed and given, as is by the minister here deciphered) we 
are to judge of the public ministry of the church, and not 
according to the private intendments and underhand pro- 
fessions of particular persons. And let God and all rea- 
sonable men judge between me and mine opposite, whether 
a man going to the public governors of a church, and de- 
siring of them a public office, or public orders, and so 
receiving them according to the public laws of the same 
church, and therewith authority to preach the word, and so 
preaching publicly in the same church, — whether, I say, 
such a man be not to be esteemed as called to that work 
by these governors ; and so, by consequence, whether all 
men partaking with him in that work of preaching, for 
which he was so sent, do not partake therein withal, what 
in them lieth, in the authority of the sender. And for such 
a man (except he have publicly renounced his former call- 
ing) to pretend in secret unto his friends whom he dare 
trust, and who, he thinks, will again trust and believe him, 
either that he preacheth not by that calling, or by another 
principally, is but to put on a cloak of shame, and to walk 
in craftiness? more like in truth to a disguised familist, than 
a minister of Jesus Christ. 

And howsoever men do build much upon the people's 

a Acts xx. 17. 1 Thess. v. 12. 1 Tim. v. 17. b 2 Cor. iv. 2. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 171 

acceptance of and submission unto their ministry, yet is this 
a very sandy foundation whereupon to build such a weight. 
If they be not the lawful ministers of those churches before, 
it is their sin to accept of them, and submit a unto them as 
such. The people's acceptance and submission are not 
causes, but consequences, of the ministers' calling and du- 
ties, which they owe unto them all their life long. 

4. The supposition is but an imagination, that any paro- 
chial minister doth administer the sacraments to such as are, 
in charity and discretion, to be esteemed worthy. He is by 
his parochial cure (and show me the man whose practice 
is not answerable) to administer the sacrament of baptism 
to all the infants born in the parish, though neither parent 
can, no, not in the most enlarged if not over-stretched 
charity, be judged to be of the faith, and so in the cove- 
nant, of Abraham, according to which covenant baptism 
is to be administered. 

Lastly, I would know of this man (and so of others who 
would bring the presbyterial government upon the parish 
assemblies without a separation) what should be done with 
such men of years in the parish as are to be esteemed un- 
capable of the Lord's Supper. It should seem, as the 
common opinion is, that such should be suspended, and so 
consequently (remaining obstinate and incorrigible) excom- 
municated. But by what law of God, or reason of man, 
do the censures of the Church appertain unto such as had 
never right to be of the Church, nor were within God's 
covenant 1 " made only with the faithful and their seed? 
And since the Church is only to c judge them which are 
within, and the same fallen from their former holiness, at 
least external ; how should not excommunication be greatly 
profaned upon such as never came under that condition of 
external holiness ? 

Q. 6. Suppose at length that he be deprived by that 
prelate which formerly admitted him, for not conforming to 
human corruptions, and his people for fear of danger for- 
sake him ; if he, I say, now rejected by the prelate, and 
witnessing against his corruptions, shall, without seeking 
any new license, find place to preach the Gospel in occa- 
sionally elsewhere, why should any refuse to hear him ? 

a Rom. xv. 31. Heb. xiii. 17. b ^en. xv. c 1 Cor. v. 12. 



172 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

A. First, this his deprivation (especially for well-doing 
or not doing evil) by the prelate's spiritual jurisdiction 
shows his spiritual bondage unto the antichristian hierar- 
chy ; as doth also his forsaking his flock when the wolf* 
thus cometh declare (by the testimony of Christ himself) 
of what spirit he is. And very fading is the color which 
here he sets upon the ministers' cessation from their minis- 
try, which is, the people's forsaking them for fear of danger ; 
whereas the contrary is most true, and that the ministers 
did universally, for fear of danger, forsake the people ; and 
that in sundry places where the people offered to suffer per- 
secution with them at the magistrates' hands. But mine 
answer is, that this man remaining by the prelate's ordina- 
tion a minister of the Church of England, and as he was 
before his institution, or license, and so preaching by that 
calling, communion cannot be had with him therein without 
submission unto and upholding of the prelate's antichristian 
authority, which in that work he exerciseth. 

Q. 7. Suppose, lastly, that the same man doth, besides 
the good actions which God hath commanded, admit of 
something at man's command which is not lawful, yet 
holding the faith, and building faithfully in the main things 
of the Gospel, and it may be repenting also of what he 
hath done at his admission ; is no communion lawful with 
him in those very things which, if they were done by an- 
other after the same manner, were heavenly duties ? May 
not his fault be an human infirmity in an external ordi- 
nance ? May not some faults of his entrance be circum- 
stantial, personal actions, by which his calling is not abol- 
ished ? 

A. This query is in effect comprehended in the former, 
in whose answer it hath also been answered. But for more 
full satisfaction I further add, that I may not partake in the 
sins? though of human infirmity, and of persons otherwise 
godly ; whether those sins be in the work done, or in the 
unlawful calling of the doer; of which we here speak, and 
not of any personal or circumstantial action, as is in vain 
insinuated. And he that breaks down the partition wall," 
which an unlawful, especially an antichristian, calling sets 
up in the Church, not making conscience of partaking there- 

a John x. h 1 Timo. v. c Nnmb. xvi. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 173 

with in duties how heavenly soever in themselves, makes 
way for all Babylonish eonfusion. Neither is Israel now 
to be blamed for communicating with Korah in the heaven- 
ly duty of burning incense to the Lord, to whom only a 
lawful outward calling was wanting ; he so ministering by 
an anti-Mosaical, as do the men of whom we speak by an 
anti-Christian calling. And for the minister's repenting of 
what he hath done at his admission, it may well be called 
(as truly being) a supposition, but of an impossibility and 
contradiction. He cannot repent of his sin, which is his 
receiving authority from the bishop to preach, but he must 
forsake and renounce the same authority, as he received 
it ; which if he do in deed and truth, he ceaseth to be a 
minister of the Church of England. 

And thus it appeareth, how this Author is so far from 
leading a good conscience by the hand, as he promiseth, as 
that he doth not so much as point out with the finger any 
passable way into public communion with the parish assem- 
blies as they stand ; but rather, having framed a plot of 
ministry and other device in his study, sends men by doubt- 
ful suppositions to seek they know not what nor where. 
It remains we now come to his removal of the bars which 
I in my book set in the way ; the first whereof is, that 
such a parishional minister is a branch of the prelacy, as 
receiving power from it, by which it doth administer ; and 
therefore all communion with it to be avoided by God's 
people. 

His answer is, that, in proper and accurate speech, the 
minister whom he formerly described is no branch of the 
prelacy, nor doth receive his power of ministering from any 
prelate. 

The question is not whether the minister which he de- 
scribed, or rather supposeth, be a branch of the prelacy, 
and so minister or no ; but whether the ministry of the 
parish assemblies, being parts of the dioceses and provinces, 
be such or no. 

He addeth, that the power of right he (that is his sup- 
posed minister) had before ever 'he had to do with any prel- 
ate, which power is from God by the Church ; but a power of 
external, legal ability to do that, which from God by the peo- 

4th s. — vol. i. 22 



174 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

pie he had formerly right to do, this he may be said to 
receive from the prelate. 

He loseth himself in the labyrinth of his own device ; for 
even his supposed minister had to do with the prelate, both 
for license to preach and orders of ministry, before this sup- 
posed right conveyed to him by the people, as appears in 
his queries 3, 4, and 5, compared together. 2. None of 
the parish assemblies have in their hands, as churches, 
power of right to choose their ministers, nor are the Lord's 
free people in that case ; but do, on the contrary, stand in 
subjection and bondage spiritual to the prelate and patron, 
by whose appointment they must receive them, will they, 
nill they. Indeed, some of them do, by favor or money, 
get jus patronatus into their hands, and so do agree 
amongst themselves what person they will present unto 
the bishop for their clerk; but this they do not as a church, 
neither will or may the bishop so receive him from them, 
or appoint him over them, but as a patron (which right any 
one profane person may have and enjoy as well as they) : 
nor that such a person may be ordained a minister in and 
of that church, according to the order apostolical : a but 
that, being before, or first, a minister at large of the bish- 
op's making and ordaining, he may, by the same episcopal 
authority, in way of license or institution conveyed, be 
determined to that particular parish, according to the popish 
order. So that if there were any thing in the distinction 
between the power of right and of freedom, he hath the 
power of right, or authority by the bishop, at the first, in 
his ordination ; and the legal ability or freedom afterwards 
by the patron and prelate presenting him and appointing 
him to his place : and so the parish, as a church, only re- 
ceives him so appointed by others. But the distinction is 
more subtile than sound ; and if not a distinction without 
a difference, yet a division of things inseparable in this 
kind. No man hath external spiritual power of right to 
minister the holy things of God, but by a lawful calling; 
and no man having a lawful calling wants external spiritual 
power of ability or freedom to minister them : and of this 
power we speak, as being that which the bishops, as the 

a Acts vi. and xiv. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 175 

spiritual governors of their provinces and dioceses, do con- 
fer. I know a man may be restrained by violence, or other 
jodily impediment, from the use of this spiritual freedom, 
3ut then he is restrained from the use of his power of right 
ilso. Whosoever hath the one hath the other by the same 
ict, and whosoever hath a lawful calling hath both. Of his 
rreat mistaking (upon which, notwithstanding, he builds 
:he weight of his answer, both in this and the former part 
)f the book), which is, that the bishop's provincial and di- 
>cesan authority and administrations are civil, and derived 
rom the king, I shall speak hereafter. 

He adds, that it cannot stand with my plea, " that such 
i man preaching diligently, and professing that to be his 
nain office, should in this work be a branch of the prelacy, 
tnd do it by his power received by him. For, 1. This is 
lot any part of the prelate's power (as he is a prelate) to 
breach the word." Which he also would prove by an 
iffirmation in my book, which is (though he weaken the 
evidence of the truth thereof in relating it) that " the prel- 
ite's office and order is founded upon their usurpation of 
he rights and liberties wherewith Christ the Lord in his 
vord hath endowed his Church (the elders for their gov- 
ernment, and the people for their liberty) for the calling of 
)fficers, and censuring of offenders." Power, therefore, 
saith he,) of preaching can be no part of it. 

First, that which he admits in mine affirmation hath 

mough in it to overthrow his consequence. For if it be- 

ong to the prelates to call ministers, and that in calling 

[hem they give them power and authority* (though no ab- 

olute charge) to preach, according to the order of that 

hurch, then followeth it undeniably, that those ministers 

hus preaching do therein exercise the prelate's power : 

nd that it may be said of the ministers and bishops, as 

Christ said of his disciples and himself, that whosoever re- 

eives them which are sent receives them which send them. a 

n submitting unto, or withdrawing from, him that is sent 

y the king, in a work of his office, men do submit unto, 

| withdraw from, the king himself and his authority. So 

s it in all estates and subordinations, whether ecclesiastical 

* Book of ordering of Priests. a Matt. x. 40. 



176 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

or civil ; as every one, that dims it not in himself, may see 
by the light of nature. 

And if unto this be added, that, as the whole nation is 
divided into two provinces under the two archbishops, and 
the provinces into sundry dioceses under the bishops, and 
they into their several parishes under the ministers thereof; 
so the archbishops and bishops do share out unto the parish 
priests, in their ordination and other assignments, a part of 
their charge, to wit, so much as concerns the ordinary ser- 
vice of the parish : as unto their chancellors, commissaries, 
and archdeacons another part for inferior government, re- 
serving to themselves the lordship over both, for the best 
advantage of their own honor and profit ; it will then evi- 
dently appear (as that the part is a branch of the whole), 
that the parochial ministry is a branch of the diocesan and 
provincial prelacy. By which ministry we are not to un- 
derstand (as doth mine opposite) the work of preaching, or 
any other work whatsoever, but the office and power exe- 
cuted and used in these works. For if we will exactly 
weigh things in a just balance, we must consider of these 
three distinct points in the ministry : 1. The office. 2. The 
power. S. The works. The office is the very state and 
function conferred upon a man by his calling : from which 
office ariseth immediately power, and charge to minister, 
and to perform the works of that office ; in the performance 
of which works the office is executed and power used. 
And if preaching diligently and faithfully were the pastor's 
main office, then should apostles, prophets, and evangelists 
have the same main office with pastors, for they all do that 
work of diligent preaching,* one as well as another ; be- 
sides that this work is lawfully performed by him that hath 
no office at all, and therefore cannot be the pastor's office 
main, or mean.* 

2dly. It followeth not, because the office of the prelates isl 
founded upon their usurpation of the churches' rights in 
calling of officers, and censuring of offenders, that therefore I 
power of preaching is no part of their office. Men may by J 
their office have power to do more than the very things 
upon which their office is founded : otherwise the parochial 

a 1 Cor. xvi. 10. * Qu. 1 and 2. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. Ill 

ministry should be very slightly founded, considering how 
many trifles and superstitions the ministers have not only 
power but charge also to perform. By this man's reason- 
ing, their office should be founded upon the wearing of a 
surplice, making a cross, &,c, for these they have power to 
do, yea, not power to leave undone, by their office. 

There are among men many lawful officers or orders, 
and those lawfully founded, and yet not so perfectly but 
that some evil actions are (through human frailty) done in 
and by them : so, on the contrary, is the office of prelacy 
unlawful, and unlawfully founded, and yet not so absolutely 
but that the good work of preaching may be and is per- 
formed in and by it. Which preaching being also an in- 
ferior work of that office and order (which is principally set 
up for government), and that wherewith the bishops do 
little trouble the churches, it may well be excluded from 
the foundation of their office, though a work thereof: (as 
there are also many doctrines of Christian religion, besides 
those which are properly called the foundations* thereof:) 
and though a work good in itself, yet, in the extent of 
their power to preach when and where they list in their 
provinces and dioceses, exorbitant and antichristian ; and 
so a part of their usurpation, whether of the foundation or 
building it matters not ; a part of which power they also 
share out unto the ministers in their several parishes. 

Another argument he brings upon an affirmation in my 
book, p. 29, that " preaching is no natural or necessary 
part of the parochial minister's office." 

This mine assertion in the first place he reproacheth, as 
" an intemperate speech proceeding from an impotent sick- 
ness of mind, which yet," saith he, " may be used against 
myself." 

If I were sick of any such impotency of mind as he in 
his potency of mind pronounceth, I should surely find him 
a physician of no value ; which brings no other medicine 
than a reproach to cure me withal. Only he insinuates a 
reason against that I say, which is, that " preaching the 
word is expressly mentioned in the minister's ordination." 
And is it not also mentioned in the ordination of a mass- 

a Heb. vi. 1. 



178 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

priest, of whose office, notwithstanding, it is no necessary 
or natural part ? Yea, is it not evident, that one and the 
same ordination serves both for a mass-priest and paro- 
chial minister, being given by a popish bishop ? And so, 
by consequence, that there is one and the same office of 
both, though exercised in some different works ? So also 
is ministering the discipline of Christ, as the Lord hath 
commanded, expressly mentioned in his ordination ; and is 
it therefore a necessary work of the parochial minister? 
Or is he any more than the bishop's man's man in pub- 
lishing his court censure ? The bishop also expressly bids 
his ordained one, Receive the Holy Ghost. Doth he there- 
fore so receive it ? Or know we not that it is Antichrist's 
guise, and that not a little advantageable to the mystery of 
his iniquity, to keep the forms of good words without the 
substance of things ; and so, under the name of Christ, to 
subvert Christ's truth and ordinances? I would to God, 
the notorious ignorance and utter inability to preach the 
Gospel, in the greatest part by far of the parochial minis- 
ters, to the destruction of so many thousand souls for which 
Christ died, did not cry out unto God and men against 
both that Church, prelacy, and ministry, that preaching is 
no necessary part or work of their office. There is but 
one order or office of priesthood in that Church ; and how 
can that be a natural or necessary part of that office, which 
the most of those officers want ; this especially being by 
the constant practice of the public governors, and accord- 
ing to the constitution and state of that Church, ministry, 
and government ; the public laws thereof also, both eccle- 
siastical and civil, approving it, as otherwise, so by appoint- 
ing homilies to be read by such as are unable to preach. 

Such a one the patron may present for his clerk to any 
parishional charge, and may also compel the bishop, will 
he, nill he, to institute him by process of law:* whom the 
people also are bound to receive as their minister, and with 
him to communicate, under penalties civil and spiritual. 
Let Baal then plead for himself : even the wearing of a 
surplice, and signing a babe's forehead with the cross, are 
more natural and necessary to the parochial ministry, con- 

* Q,uare impedit. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 179 

sidered both in the common practice and public Jaws, than 
is preaching of the Gospel. For inability to preach (though 
most ordinary) no minister is or can be deposed ; but for 
aot conforming, how many in a few years ? Mine affirma- 
tion then (how licentiously soever mine opposite censureth 
both it and me) is so apparently true, as it cannot be denied 
without loss of credit, both to the person and cause of the 
denier, in the eyes of all reasonable men. 

Upon which affirmation of mine, his inference, notwith- 
standing, is of no force, viz. " that such ministers as give 
themselves to preaching do not in that business exercise 
any power received from the prelate, as a branch of him, 
because that power must then have been a natural part of 
his office." 

It followeth not. For, as some parts or works of the 
parochial minister's office are natural and necessary, as, to 
read divine service, &c, so are other works or parts there- 
3f but casual and arbitrary, as is this of preaching, as the 
person can or will. It is not by any absolute necessity re- 
quired of every minister to preach ; but yet he that doth 
preach doth it by authority of the prelate, in his parish, as 
in a part of the prelate's province or diocese. And where 
he speaks of " the minister's not exercising the power re- 
ceived from the prelate in that business of preaching," it is, 
as a poor shift, so a vain insinuation, that though in other 
businesses he did exercise the prelate's power, yet not in 
that of preaching. Whereas he both preacheth, and read- 
eth divine service, and doth whatsoever he doth publicly, 
by one and the same ecclesiastical power and office. He 
is not one officer in the desk and another in the pulpit, 
though his work be diverse ; but the bishop's minister in 
both. 

He adds, (as opposite to an affirmation of mine, page 
130,) that, " though the prelacy were plucked up, yet the 
barochial ministry might stand still, as reason " (he saith, 
but shows none) " will teach, and experience showeth, in 
Denmark, Saxony, Hassia [Hesse], and other parts of 
Germany." 

But wherefore doth he lead me to churches so far off, 
Lvhose estate I neither can easily know nor he happily 
[justify ? Why doth he not rather insist in the better both 



180 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

known and reformed churches in the Low Countries ? 
I perceive, if I follow him in his Manuduction, he will 
lead me compass enough. 

Well, I deny, and marvel he would affirm, that the 
same parochial office and power of ministry doth remain 
in those churches, which was in use before the extirpation 
of the prelacy there. The office itself was the order of 
mass-priesthood, and the power derived from the pope, 
and popish prelacy. That the works of preaching and 
prayer, performed by many of the parochial ministers, and 
also by some of the mass-priests, may remain, though the 
prelacy be taken away (and with it the parochial priest- 
hood also), is without doubt; as they do in the reformed 
churches and with us, where there is neither prelate nor 
parochial minister : but our question is not about some par- 
ticular works, as mine opposite makes it, but (as hath been 
oft observed) about the very function itself, and the power 
by which it is given and used. 

And for the point : since all the ministers of that church 
are made and appointed by the bishop's authority ; take 
away the same bishop's authority, and how can the minis- 
ters remain the same ministers ? Take away the correla- 
tive, and the relation ceaseth. 2. Take away the prelacy, 
and how possibly can such a ministry continue (as is the 
parochial), whereof the one of the two parts (though the 
inferior) which stands in feeding the flock by ruling shall 
be usurped, and possessed by the prelates and their ordi- 
naries ? 3. Take away the provincial and diocesan prel- 
ates, and with them the provincial and diocesan churches ; 
and then the parochial churches, as parts of them, must 
fall with them, their whole ; and with the churches the 
ministers, as parts of them. 4. It is not possible, that, 
the prelacy being abolished, such an office of ministry (of 
which office the reader must still remember our question 
to be) should survive, as whereof men utterly unapt to 
teach should be capable, as it is with the parochial min- 
istry. Can such stuff pass through any but bishops' fin- 
gers ? Or will the Lord ever wipe away so much of their 
shame, as to suffer any other hands but of prelates and 
their chaplains to be laid upon the heads of such idol 
priests ? Or is it possible, that, in any other than the r 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 181 

episcopal government, the ministry of so many zealous and 
learned teachers should hang upon the cobweb of con- 
formity to cross, surplice, and such vanities, and be in 
danger every day for refusal thereof to be broken asunder ? 
Can this web be woven by other than bishops, or of other 
stuff than comes out of their bowels ? Lastly, is it possi- 
ble, that, in such light of the truth as now shineth in Eng- 
land, all the profane parish, without difference, should be 
compelled to be of the church, and the minister of them to 
take charge, as his flock (as the parochial ministers do) ; 
but as the same is a part of the bishop's flock, and well 
serving for to support his lawless lordship ? Now no man, 
weighing these things with an equal hand, will judge them 
light and slighty matters, but weighty, and, as he speaks, 
substantial, in and about the ministry. Which therefore 
cannot stand, as it now doth in the several parishes, when 
God, in mercy to that nation, shall root out that plant of 
the prelacy which his hand never planted. 

Whereafter, to mine objection and charge, that " all the 
parochial ministers are subject unto the jurisdiction of the 
prelates spiritually, in their citations, suspensions, and ex- 
communications," he for answer allegeth, that " private 
Christians are subject to the same jurisdiction personally, 
and for personal and private opinions, and behaviors also," 
it is that which I say, and upon which I infer a separation 
from the formal state and government of that church, every 
nanner of way ; since with the sins of Babylon (whereof 

have proved in my former book the hierarchical govern- 
ment one) no man may partake. But if hereupon he 
would conclude the unlawfulness of private or personal 
communion w 7 ith the godly, as well as of public or church 
communion, I must deny his consequence ; and, because I 
would not repeat the same things again, do desire the 
reader to take knowledge of the double difference about 
this matter showed in my former book. 

But he gives a second answer,* upon which also the 
awful ness of the bishops' authority is much pleaded, 
throughout the whole book. Which, by the way, I desire 
the reader to observe, and, withal, how such as go on in 

* Page 10, Answer to th Q 3 object. 

4th s. — vol. i. 23 



182 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

opposing our separation are driven, in the end, to justify 
the bishops' authority, though diversely. His answer and 
defence is : — 

" The greatest part of their jurisdiction being external, 
and coactive or forcing, is from the king derived unto those 
that do exercise the same ; and therefore must of necessity 
be a civil power, such as the king might as well perform 
by other civil officers, as it is indeed exercised in the High 
Commission, and some other courts also. The laws of the 
land do so esteem it, as Sir Edw 7 ard Coke, now Lord Chief 
Justice of England, hath largely showed in the first book of 
his Reports." 

Divers pleas for the prelates have been made by men 
diversely minded touching them ; but that their jurisdiction 
in their provinces and dioceses should be civil and coactive 
(for external we grant it to be, which is ill joined as the 
same with civil and coactive, since even spiritual* ordi- 
nances are coactive also), this, I say, is a plea which, to 
my remembrance, I never heard of before. The author, 
in the front of his book, proclaims the unreasonableness of 
our separation : but I hope the Lord will give me grace 
and modesty never to defend, or continue in, that state 
and standing, for which I shall be driven to make so un- 
reasonable a defence; which is indeed an argument of an 
ill cause, and of no good consideration, that I say no more, 
in the writer. 

For the better, then, both clearing of this point here and 
elsewhere in the book, and help of others otherwise, it 
must be considered that the bishops have in their hands a 
double authority : the one civil, as magistrates, the other 
spiritual, as church-officers : and so do perform works of 
divers kinds according to these their divers callings. By 
the former, they sit with other barons in the Parliament- 
house for the enacting of laws and statutes, under bodily 
punishments ; some of them also being of the king's Privy 
Council, and some of his High Commission, having therein 
joint authority with other lords and magistrates civil. They 
are generally, in the counties and shires where theylive, 
justices of peace, in the same commission with other hon- 

a 1 Cor. x. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 183 

nrable and worshipful personages ; and thus they sit upon 
the bench at assizes and sessions, and have authority civil 
jointly with the other justices, and so severally as they at 
other times to apprehend, imprison, fine, and punish bodily 
malefactors, according to the common laws of the land, 
and their office of justiceship : and all these their adminis- 
trations they perform expressly in the king's name. In 
which also they are to be honored and obeyed, as are other 
civil magistrates whatsoever, by all the king's subjects, and 
wherein, for myself, I profess communion with and submis- 
sion unto their authority and power. 

But, besides this their civil authority, they have also ec- 
clesiastical jurisdiction, as they are the archbishops of prov- 
nces, and bishops of dioceses. And thus they, with the 
-est of their triumphant church and clergy, sit in the con- 
vocation-house, framing canons, and constitutions eccle- 
siastical, under spiritual penalties. Thus they ordain min- 
sters, and institute them to their several charges, and give 
them licenses to preach within their provinces and dioceses, 
rhus they keep their spiritual courts, by themselves and 
;heir subordinates, chancellors, commissaries, archdeacons, 
md other their officials, citing men thither by their ap- 
paritors ; as, on the contrary, in their civil administrations 
(though in matters ecclesiastical) they use pursuivants and 
constables. There and thus they suspend, depose, and 
degrade ministers, as at the first they ordained and ap- 
pointed them ; as they also excommunicate and absolve 
both ministers and people, as they see cause : proceeding 
n all these, not in the name of the king, as in the former, 
but expressly in the name of God; in and unto which, 
their usurpation of the name or power of God and Christ, 
no communion may be had, or submission yielded. 

And where he affirmeth that " the greatest part of their 
jurisdiction n (to wit, in their provinces and dioceses) " is 
derived from the king, which he might as well perform by 
other civil officers, and that the laws of the land do so 
esteem it," alleging to that end " Sir Edward Coke, Lord 
Chief Justice," there is a great mistaking in the matter. 
Not only the greatest part of, but, in effect, their whole 
jurisdiction in their provinces and dioceses, stands in their 
ordaining of ministers, and excommunicating of offenders, 



184 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

with their appurtenances, and in their contraries, of the same 
nature. Now to make the power of excommunication and 
of ordination of ministers civil, or these such works as may 
be performed by civil magistrates, the king or others, is to 
confound heaven and earth ; and to make Chrisfs king- 
dom* (whereof these works, in their nature, are adminis- 
trations) to be of this world. This power of the prelates 
is, in itself and nature, spiritual ; and in the extent of it 
over an whole province and diocese, and all the congrega- 
tions therein (to the abolishing of the power both of officers 
and people), papal and antichristian. Of which the king's 
civil authority is no parent, but only a nurse : otherwise 
the king should be, not the defender only, but the author of 
the churches faith in her government and ministry. Papists 
have made of popes kings, by deriving from them civil gov- 
ernments ; and will Protestants make of kings popes, by 
deriving spiritual authority from them ? And because 
popish kings have given their power to the beast, shall 
Christian kings therefore take the beast's power unto them : 
which they should surely do in making themselves the 
spring-heads from whence floweth the power of making 
ministers, and excommunicating offenders, which the prel- 
ates use in their provinces and dioceses ? 

And albeit, for want of the books, I cannot exactly set 
down the judgment of the laws in this case, ye,t may I 
safely affirm, that they nowhere derive from the king's civil 
authority the power of these spiritual administrations, but 
do only make the king the establisher and upholder civilly 
of this power. The same ecclesiastical jurisdiction which 
had been in use in popery, and a great part of the popish 
hierarchy, was confirmed Eliz. pri. and so continueth at 
this day ; and in vain men apply their industry and art in 
the washing of this blackmoor. Neither yet doth it follow, 
though the laws of the land did esteem this jurisdiction 
civil, that therefore it were such indeed. They may and 
do misesteem many such things, especially of this kind. 
They esteem the cross, surplice, &c. indifferent, yea, 
comely and edificative [edifying] ceremonies : and are 
they therefore such, or so esteemed by this author ? So 

a John xviii. 36. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 185 

for those corrupt usurpations and abuses, which he affirmeth 
to be mingled with the bishops' (so seeming unto him) civil 
power, do not the laws of the land esteem even them also 
lawful and laudable ordinances and orders? The argu- 
ment, therefore, from the laws' esteem to the nature of 
the thing is of no force. 

Now that the prelates' jurisdistion in their provinces 
and dioceses is not civil but ecclesiastical, and a spiritual, 
external power, appeareth plainly by these reasons : — 

I. Where he makes it civil because it is coactive, or bodily 
enforcing, I conclude, on the contrary, that, because it is not 
so coactive, therefore it is not civil. The farthest the bishops 
can go, as bishops, is to excommunicate a man, or to pro- 
nounce him an heretic ; which done, they may deliver him 
to the secular power, of procure a civil, coactive process* 
against him from the Lord Chancellor, in certain cases. 

II. Where he affirmeth, that the king might perform the 
w^orks of their jurisdiction by other civil officers, there 
neither can be stronger, nor need be other arguments to 
prove the contrary, than the very consideration of those 
their works : which are, for substance, the making of min- 
isters, and excommunicating of offenders, with their con- 
traries and appurtenances : which to call civil works, what 
is it but to make a civil religion ? 

III. Let their consecration to their bishoprics be looked 
into, and there will be found in them no word or syllable 
insinuating any civil authority ; but only that which is 
spiritual, for the feeding of the flock, and doing the ivork, 
whereunto the Holy Ghost hath called them : such scriptures 
also being thereunto applied, as contain in them only the 
callings, offices, and works of the ministers of the church. 

IV. Their civil authority, whether that which is peculiar 
to some of them, as to be of the Privy Council, or High 
Commission, or that which is more ordinary, and common 
to all, as to be justices of peace in the countries where 
they live, is but one and the same, and conveyed by one 
and the same joint calling and commission with that of 
other councillors, commissioners, and justicers : and there- 
fore is nothing at all to that jurisdiction by which they or- 

* De excommunicato capienoo. 



186 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

dain ministers, and excommunicate offenders, which the 
foresaid civil magistrates neither have nor can have power 
to practise ; though (by their civil power) they do and may 
(civilly) restrain men under pain of bodily punishment. Add 
unto this, also, that the bishops may and do exercise all and 
every part of their episcopal authority where they have not 
the least civil authority, viz. in the cities and corporations 
within their provinces and dioceses : as, for example, the 
Bishop of Norwich in the city of Norwich, where his civif 
authority is no more than mine. 

V. Lastly, whereas all civil proceedings are made in the 
name of the king, they, on the contrary side, proceed In 
the name of God, though too oft verifying the old saying, 
In nomine Dei incipit omne malum. 

And by these reasons that which I did not suspect that 
any would have denied is confirmed, to wit, that the prel- 
ates' power in their provinces and dioceses is not civil, but 
a kind of external spiritual power, which I have also in my 
former book proved antichristian, as usurping upon Christ's 
royal prerogatives, subverting the order of true Christian 
government, and swallowing up, as with full mouth, both 
the people's liberty, and elders' government, wherewith 
Christ the Lord hath invested the true Church. 

He proceedeth : " But if this be so, then (saith Mr. 
Robinson) those ministers are under no spiritual govern- 
ment : and so be lawless persons, and inordinate walkers, 
&c." 

His answers are: 1. That "they so govern themselves, 
as that no honest man hath cause to abhor from their com- 
munion." 2. That " they are subject to civil government, 
even in spiritual action ; and, in the larger acception of 
the word, to external regiment merely spiritual." 3. That 
" they are no more lawless persons than I myself was when 
I had no elder joined with me, or am now with " mine 
" one elder, since I exclude the people from all govern- 
ment." 

In these answers he neither dealeth with me, nor the 
cause of the Lord, as is meet. For, first, I do not in my 
book infer this exception upon the former ground, as he 
sets it down for his advantage, as will appear in the ex- 
amination of the third answer. 2. I do not allege it to 



A Manumission to a Manuduciion. 187 

prove communion unlawful with them, as he insinuates, 
but to reprove, and that upon their own plea, their church- 
state and standing, as such as wherein they neither do nor 
can enjoy the spiritual external government of Christ in his 
Church; and so neither have that conscience, which is meet, 
of the commandments of Christ by his Apostles, to give due 
honor to them who rule well a ; and to submit themselves to 
those who are over them in the Lord b ; nor of their own 
frailties, and in what need they stand of the LoraVs ordi- 
nances, and of this in special, for their guidance and con- 
servation in his ways. And though he pass by this re- 
proof, not mine, but the Holy Ghost's, turning it off an- 
other way, yet let the godly reader with good conscience 
remember that the disciples of Christ are to observe what- 
soever he hath commanded^ his Apostles ; and withal, that 
it was the prophet's comfort, that he should not be con- 
founded, when he had respect to all God\s command ments. d 

3. In his first and second answer he speaks not at all 
to the purpose in hand : our question not being about the 
personal government which a man hath over himself; nor 
about civil government, though in spiritual actions ; nor 
about government at all, in the larger acceptation of the 
word ; but only as it is taken for the outw r ard guidance 
and ordering of the Church in her public affairs, by the 
bishops or elders. And thus, and in this regard, all in the 
parish assemblies (if not under the prelates' spiritual juris- 
diction, as many would make themselves and others believe) 
are lawless persons, and inordinate walkers : neither is this 
mine assertion either lavish, or lawless, but a just and ne- 
cessary testimony against their transgression: of which I 
wish them from the Lord more conscience, and, for that 
purpose, better counsel, than in this Manuduction they find. 
Lastly, to make way to a touch of wit, unto which he can- 
not get by my words and meaning truly related, he takes 
liberty to change the one and other for his advantage. I 
do, page 30, propound sundry defences made by such, both 
ministers and people, as dislike the prelacy : and the first, 
of the people, to wit, that they are not subject to the 



8 Time v. 17. b Heb. xiii. 17. c Matt, xxviii. 20. Deut. iv. 1, vi. 1, 2. 

d Psalm cxix. 6. 



188 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

prelates' government. And that I intend this of the people 
is evident by my reply in the same place, the words where- 
of 1 have formerly noted down in the second consideration 
of his answer. This, by me spoken, and intended of the 
people, he misapplieth to the ministers, putting, as my 
words, " These ministers are under no spiritual govern- 
ment " ; and so would (in wantonness of wit) fasten the 
same reproof upon myself, as having been formerly with 
none, and now with one elder, and so an inordinate 
walker. 

The truth then is, that the people, professing themselves 
(though most untruly) to be from under the prelates' spir- 
itual government, do therein profess themselves to be from 
under all Christian church government ; and that both 
ministers and people, professing themselves to be from 
under the prelates' spiritual power, do therein profess them- 
selves to be from under all power of Christ for the cen- 
sures ; and in those respects and considerations (of which 
only I speak, though he stretch my words farther than he 
should either in charity or equity) to be lawless persons and 
inordinate walkers, and without the yoke of Christ, and one 
special means of their salvation.* 

And thus much for the confirmation of my testimony 
against communion with the parochial assemblies, in the 
particulars (though far from all in my former book, as mine 
opposite pretendeth) wherein he hath endeavored to weak- 
en it : where I also desire the reader well to note, that 
whatsoever either he pretendeth or others conceive of pub- 
lic communion following upon private, yet the issue unto 
which things come between him and me is in these two 
questions : 1. Whether the bishops' jurisdiction in their 
provinces and dioceses be lawful, or no ? 2. Whether the 
parochial ministers, being ordained, instituted, and licensed 
by the bishops, do preach by their authority, or no ? 

" The other two stumbling-blocks " (as he calls them) 
viz. " that all are urged to communion by penal laws ; and 
that a set form of* prayer is appointed," he neither pur- 
poseth nor thinks it needful to deal about, " seeing, 1. there 
are many exercises of religion where none are present by 

a 1 Cor. v. 4, 5. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 189 

constraint, nor the service-book so much as appeareth " : 
for which he instances in Mr. Perkins his exercise. 

And wherefore doth he still, after his (but an evil) cus- 
tom, change the state of the question ? which is not about 
men's being present by constraint at the exercises of religion, 
but about churches gathered by constraint of all the pro- 
fane parishioners with the other handful, as was that parish 
church whereof Mr. Perkins was a member, and where he 
taught, and that by authority from and under the prelates. 

My " being once at his successor's sermon since I pro- 
fessed separation " is neither pertinently nor truly objected 
by him. I was there, as in many other places, since 1 made 
question of it, and disputed for it, but had not otherwise 
professed it. And upon this occasion I think good to note 
down the work of God's providence towards me in this 
matter. Coming to Cambridge (as to other places where 
I hoped most to find satisfaction to my troubled heart), 
I went the forenoon to Mr. Cha[dderton ?*] his exercise : 
who, upon the relation which Mary made to the disciples of 
the resurrection of Christ, delivered, in effect, this doctrine, 
that " the things which concerned the whole church were 
to be declared publicly to the whole church, a and not to 
some part only " ; bringing, for instance and proof, the 
words of Christ, Matt, xviii. 17, Tell it to the church : con- 
firming therein one main ground of our difference from the 
Church of England, which is, that Christ hath given his 
power for excommunication to the whole church gathered 
together for his name, as 1 Cor. v., the officers as the gov- 
ernors, and the people as the governed in the use thereof; 
jnto which church his servants are commanded to bring 
:heir necessary complaints. And I would desire mine 
opposite either to show me how and where this church is, 
aving this power, in the parish assemblies ; or else by 
hat warrant of God's word I (knowing what Christ the 
ord commanded herein) may with good conscience re- 
ain a member of a church without this power (much less 

* [The Rev. Laurence Chadderton, D.D., was lecturer for sixteen years at one of 
le churches in Cambridge. He was chosen by Sir Walter Mildmay first master of 
Cmanuel College, when he founded it in 1584. This office Dr. Chadderton retained 
ntil 1622. " He paid," says Brook, " the most exact attention to the religion and 
;arning of the scholars. His life was prolonged to its 103d year." See " Lives of 
>e Puritans," Vol. II. pp. 445-8. — Eds.] 

a Matt, xxviii. Mark xvi. 

4th s. — vol i. 24 



190 A Manumission to a Manuduclion. 

where the contrary is advanced), and so go on in the known 
transgression of that his commandment, Tell the church? 

In the afternoon I went to hear Mr. B[aynes*], the suc- 
cessor of Mr. Perkins, who, from Eph. v. and v. 7 or 1 1 , 
showed the unlawfulness of familiar conversation between 
the servants of God and the wicked, upon these grounds, or 
the most of them: 1. That the former are light, and the 
other darkness, between which God hath separated. 2. That 
the godly hereby are endangered to be leavened with the 
others^ wickedness. S. That the wicked are hereby hard- 
ened, in receiving such approbation from the godly. 4. That 
others are thereby offended, and occasioned to think them all 
alike, and as birds of a feather, which so flock together. 
Whom afterwards privately I desired, as I do also others, 
to consider whether these very reasons make not as effec- 
tually and much more against the spiritual communion of 
God's people (especially where there wants the means of 
reformation) with the apparently wicked, to whom they are 
as light to darkness. 

To that which he allegeth in the second place of " the 
reformed churches generally using a stint form of prayer, 
with whom yet I will not refuse all public communion," 
I answer, that, for the very use of a set form of prayer, or 
other the like failing, I will not refuse communion with a 
true church in things lawful : but between the set form of 
prayer used in the reformed churches, and in the unre- 
formed Church of England, I put great difference ; not 
only in the matter, and sundry orders thereof, but especial- 
ly in the manner of imposing it : which in the reformed 
church is not by compulsion, nor in the first place, as inj 
the Church of England, where the reading of it is preferred 
before and above the preaching of the Gospel ; and where 
more ministers (and those of the best sort) have been de- 
prived of their ministry in a few months, for the not read- 
ing and observing it in manner and form, than have been 
ever since the pope was expelled, not only for not preach- 
ing (for which no man is so censured), but for all other 
wickedness of what kind soever, though abounding in the 

* ("Paul Baynes, M. A., succeeded Mr. Perkins in the lecture at St. Andrew's. 
He was a fellow of St Mary's College, as was also Mr. Perkins. See Fuller's IJist. 
of the University, p. 92, and Brook, as above, pp 261 -4 . — Eds.] 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 191 

ministry there. By which, that their set service is ad- 
vanced above all that is called God, and made a very hate- 
ful idol, to which both great and small are compelled to 
bow down, and it to honor. Which idol-service also up- 
holdeth an idol-ministry, which, as it is truly so called, 
would without it be wellnigh as dumb as the idols of the 
heathens which have mouths and speak not. a 

For conclusion, he affirmeth, that, u by the laws of Ge- 
neva, like strictness (to wit, unto that in England) is used 
towards the inhabitants of that city, though I unadvisedly 
deny it in mine assertion of the English assemblies' differ- 
ence therein from all true churches in the world," page 20. 

In that place of my book I observe two main differences 
between the churches of Christ, as the Scriptures testify 
of them, and the parish assemblies in their very constitu- 
tion. With these differences thus propounded he meddleth 
not, either by showing how the assemblies agree therein 
with the Apostolical churches ; or how, disagreeing from 
them m in the one and other, they can be true visible 
churches rightly gathered and constituted. But where by 
the way for amplification I mention the reformed churches, 
as interessed in the same differences from Engl[ish], he 
there steps in and takes me by the hand, and leads me 
along to Geneva ; as belike rather hoping to make the 
Church of England agree in something with the laws of 
Geneva, than with the laws of Christ's testament. But 
was the church of Geneva indeed gathered of all the ap- 
parently wicked and flagitious persons in the city, amongst 
the rest, scarce sensible in so vast a heap, as were and are 
the English parochial assemblies ? If the state of Geneva 
did, in a politic respect, expel out of the city such the in- 
habitants as were not well affected towards the religion, 
and that the church were gathered of the rest, being 
judged in charity capable of the holy things of God, upon 
their personal confession ; how then standeth this agree- 
ment between the Genevan and English assemblies ? And 
if the church of Geneva had been gathered after popery 
(as the English assemblies were, and it was not) of all the 
unhallowed rout in the city, without separation, I should 

a Ps. cxv. 5. 



192 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

confess mine unadvisedness in my better judgment of it 
than it deserved. 

And thus much for this letter, which the author might 
more fitly have called an exercise of wit, than a Manuduc- 
tion, as he doth. And for that it is in effect intended for 
the justification of the ministry, it shall not be amiss, for 
the better help of the reader and furtherance of the truth, 
briefly to set down such particulars as, by the Scriptures 
and good reason thereunto agreeable, are of absolute ne- 
cessity for a true ordinary church-officer and minister of 
Christ ; which for order sake I will reduce to four heads. 

[[.] The first is, that there be a true visible church, in 
which he is to be appointed, a God having set in the Church 
Apostles, Prophets, Teachers, etc. : and mention being made 
everywhere of the " making and ordaining of Elders or 
Bishops in the churches" Whereupon, 1. I desire to know 
how the ministers of the Church of England can be true 
ministers, not being made and ordained such in and to any 
particular church ? 2. Since, as is rightly acknowledged 
in the former part of the book, " Every true visible church 
is a company of people called and separated out from the 
world," I would know how many and which of the parish 
churches consist of such a separated people, and are not 
both (at the best) in their persons mixt of the people of 
God and the world, and also mixt in one national, provin- 
cial, and diocesan church, or body, with all the godless 
multitude, and part of the world in that land,? 3. I add, 
that, since a separated people from the world is but the 
matter of the Church, and that for a true church a true 
form is also required, it must also be showed how that can 
be found there. This form cannot be any particular act, 
which is transient and passeth away, but something con- 
stant and permanent, without which residing actually in 
the whole and all the parts thereof, the church cannot con- 
sist one moment; neither yet can it be any personal thing, 
either disposition or other relation whatsoever : nor other, 
as I conceive, than a public orderly covenant and union of 
a particular assembly, by which it hath in itself entire right 
to Christ, and to all the means of enjoying him ; which I 

a 1 Cor. xii. 28. Acts xiv. 23. xx. 17, 28. I Timo. iii. 1. Titus i. 5. 



A Manumission to a Manuduction. 193 

rather wish could be, than believe can be (for the present) 
found in any parish church in the land. Lastly, if the 
provincial and diocesan churches be not true visible churches 
(which I suppose is this author's judgment) I would know 
how the parish assemblies, being parts of the other and 
so parts of false churches, can any more be reputed true 
churches, than could a particular Jewish synagogue be 
reputed a true church, which should have made itself an 
entire and independent body, in respect of the national 
church and temple ? 

But now if any of the parish assemblies be thus sepa- 
rated in their personal and church estate, and formed ac- 
cordingly (though with defects and wants), we desire to 
take knowledge of them and which they be, that we may 
rejoice for the grace of God towards them, and perform 
unto them the duties of Christian fellowship, as is meet. 

II. The second necessary for a true ministry is a fit per- 
son, in whom aptness to teach a and unreprovableness in 
conversation is found ; even reason teaching that whomso- 
ever God calleth to any estate he fitteth competently for- 
the main works thereof. In whom also, for his own com- 
fort with God, is required an inward calling, which, with 
Calvin, I conceive to be an holy disposition and desire to 
administer the Gospel of Christ to the glory of God, and 
furtherance of man's salvation. Which inward calling as a 
true minister before men may want, as did Judas, so, for that 
they in England much pretend it when they cannot jus- 
tify their outward, I demand whether a man thus inwardly 
called of God, and forefitted accordingly, and being withal 
persuaded in his heart that a lawful outward calling, and 
without sin in the entrance and continuance, cannot be 
had in the Church of England ; whether, I say, such a 
man be not bound in conscience to seek out or procure an- 
other church than the Church of England in the present 
state thereof, by and unto which he may lawfully enter, and 
administer : and how otherwise he doth not either care- 
lessly neglect, or sinfully profane the Lord's inward calling 
in his heart ? 

III. The third thing necessary is a true and lawful of- 

a 1 Timo. iii. 2. 



194 A Manumission to a Manuduction. 

fice, or function, of ministry ; there being, as the Apostle 
teacheth, diversities of administrations, a but (and by) the 
same Lord, even the Lord Jesus, who, when he ascended on 
high, h gave gifts unto men, some Apostles, and some Proph- 
ets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers. 
Now this office and order not being a matter of dignity, 
as the order of knighthood, or the like, but of work anc 
service, and this work standing summarily in feeding the 
flock, Acts xx. 28, and this feeding, in teaching and ruling, 
as 'the two main parts thereof, I demand how that can 
possibly be the true and lawful function or office of a bishop 
or pastor, unto which preaching to the flock is not neces- 
sarily required, nor ruling so much as permitted ; as we al 
know the case standeth with the English ministry ? 

IV. Lastly, there is required a true and lawful outwarc 
calling^ of the ministers, by those in whom the Lord hath 
left that right and power : which (if the Scriptures may 
bear sway) are the particular congregations, in and unto 
which they are to administer. And of such force is this 
true and lawful outward calling, as that by it, and none 
otherwise, this fit and lawful person becomes properly anc 
immediately a true pastor. And how then can he be 
true pastor, whose calling unto his function or office o: 
priesthood in the Church of England is merely by the prel- 
ate of the province or diocese ; by whose license or institu- 
tion he is also afterward designed to his more particular 
charge ? 

These four conditions and every of them are necessarily 
required to the constitution of a true pastor: and are non< 
of them (to my knowledge), save the second, to be fount 
in the parochial ministry. Let mine opposite either dis- 
prove the former, or manifest the latter, and how anc 
where such a ministry is to be found : but let him do it ii 
that godly simplicity which becometh the Gospel and th< 
things thereof; prescribing to himself, with due reverenc< 
of God in whose work he dealeth, the sacred bounds of th< 
Apostle, saying, we can do nothing against the truth, but 
for the truth. In and into which the God thereof guide 
both him, and myself, and all his always ! Amen. 

a 1 Cor. xii.5. b Eph. iv. 8, 11, 12, 13. c 1 Timo. iii. 1. v. 17. 

d Heb. v. 4. Acts i. and [xiii.] and xiv. and 1 Timo. iii. 



Good news f r o 



rn 



NEW-ENGLAND: 



WITH 



An exact relation of the first plan 

ting that Countrey : A description of the 
profits accruing by the Worke. 

Together with a briefe, but true 
discovery of their Order both in Church 

and Common-wealth, and maintenance al- 
lowed the painfull Labourers in that Vineyard 
of the LORD. 



WITH 

The names of the severall Towns, 
and who be Preachers to THEM. 



LONDON; 

Printed by Matthew Simmons, 
1648. 



196 



New Relation by Observation, and 
serious Cogitation touching the Transplan- 
tation of our English Nation. 



To spend no time in complement honest John, cast not 
away these lines, because the meeter and rusticall harmony 
rings but rudely without rhetorick, let me lead thy affections 
to these following premises : suppose thou see thy face not so 
amiable as thy fancy deemes it to be, fling not furiously to 
breake the glasse, moderate thy anger, and I have my desire. 
Misse not my meaning, by turning my discourse to personate 
any, but many : Its past my intention to lessen or inlarge for 
favour or affection. Applause I looke not for : some Latine and 
Eloquent phrases I have pickt from others, as commonly clowns 
use to doe, yet be sure I am not in jest: for the subject I write 
of requires in many particulars the most solemn and serious 
meditation that ever any of like nature have done. Favour my 
clown-ship if I prove too harsh, and I shall remaine yours. 



[This rare tract is reprinted from a manuscript copy, procured in London through 
the good offices of His Excellency Abbott Lawrence, U. S. Minister at the Court 
of St. James's, who sent it to the President of the Historical Society. But it has 
since been carefully compared with a printed copy in possession of J. C. Brown, 
Esq , of Providence, and kindly lent by him. — Eos.] 



197 



Of the reasons moving this people to transplant themselves 
and Families to those remote parts. 

The great Jehovd's working word effecting wondrously, 

This earths vast globe, those parts unknown, to civill people by. 
Columbus or Alkmerricus by providence direction, 

Found out this Western world with store of mettels cleer extraction. 
The Spanish project working well, tooke sudden such impression 

In minds of many Europe held, who fell to like progression. 
It's strange to see the Spanish fleete so many should provoke, 

In English searching for like prize, they are vanisht into smoake. 
Yet these undaunted hearts stir'd up a Colony to plant, 

Hight Nova Anglia, for which they gain'd a patten grant. 
Now all ancient seild and read in lands new population, 

No parallell like this (I deeme) you'l finde in any Nation. 
These people now begin with care to vese and plot, each man 

That heares of this new Colony, with diligence doth scan. 
Such motives as he hath in Eye, one he desires land, 

Quoth he I see here landed men in reputation stand. 
Hundreds and thousands I have not to purchase, but 1 will 

Through seas much wood-land to atchieve, and medow ground my fill. 
Up starts another from a sad and serious contemplation, 

How he a Gentleman might be, good man is his vexation. 
House implements being turn'd to coyne, his Cloath of fashion new, 

To ship he hyes, much welcome Sir, for none his person knew. 
New rais'd from sleepe, another cries, my earnings are but small, 

Pie venter to this new-found world, and make amends for all. 
In hast halfe breathlesse running, comes a man with longing sore 

For novelties of new-found lands, the seas he would leap o're. 
His kindreds letters looking in, ha ha here's newes indeed, 

From Brothers, Sisters, Uncles, Aunts, Pie ship my selfe with speed. 
These but the straglers now remaines the chiefest troopes to eye, 

Truth 'tis, their standard of resort was Christianity. 
Couragious Captaines leading on, their coynes and lands 'way throwing, 

Made many Souldiers follow fast, their bands in number growing. 
When England by Elizabeth began a Reformation, 

It was a joy full day to all, the godly of that Nation. 

Proh Dolor, it did not goe on with joyfull acclamation, 
But hirarchy and lordly throne of Prelacy invading, 

The government of Christs deare flocke, then godlinesse was fading. 
Some men impute it to the pride of Bishops, others say, 

The loosenesse of the Laity did carry most away. 
But sure it is that godlinesse, and purities deriding, 

Mov'd many godly ones to seek, a place of new abiding. 
Proud Bishops skil'd in policie of machivilian learning, 

Fore-saw their pomp would fall to ground by Scripture cleer discerning. 
New fangled fetches were devis'd for soone intrapping those 

Who to the people faithfully truth wholly did disclose/ 

4th s. — vol. f. 25 



198 Good News from New England. 

While things thus craftly were contriv'd, Preachers to prisons packe, 

The Bishops Courts were filPd with worke, and consciences on racke. 
Come sirrah quoth the Commissary, you will no Surplice weare, 

Nor yet proclaime our Sunday sports, a Puritan I feare 
You are, and shall no more preach forth to people stir to reare 

Against my Lords grace, I know well, your preaching doth him scare. 
And to another : as for you, your faction is so much, 

Whole townes run from their Parish Church to heare your word, are 
such 
As for to overthrow my Lord, and his commanding power, 

If I live in this Diocesse, you shall not stand one houre. 
In midst of all these wofull stirs grave godly men sit musing, 

How they their talents might improve, to honour God in using. 
Nine hundred leagues of roaring seas dishearten feeble parts, 

Till cruell handling hasten on, and God doth strengthen hearts. 
Come quoth the husband, my deare wife, canst thou the seas endure, 

With all our young and tender babes, let's put our faith in ure. 
With watry eyes the wife replies, what remedie remaines, 

Forsaking all for Christ his sake, will prove the greatest gaines. 
From in-land parts poore Christians packe to Sea-ports ships to enter, 

A wonderment, in streets they passe, dividing their strange venter. 
What meane these mad men soone sayes one, witlesse to run away, 

From English beere, to water, where no boone companions stay. 
But lis the Surplice scares them hence, the Tippet and the Crosse, 

Nay more they feare, my Lords grace here, will bring againe the 
masse. 
Yea further I have heard of late our Puritans much wonder, 

Because our Metropolitan intends to bring them under. 
.Thus passe the people to their ships, some grieve they should goe free, 

But make them sweare, and search them bare, taking what coyne 
they see. 
Now Satan seeing God had crost, his minde in making way, 

For's people and his Pastors too, in wildernesse to stay, 
Fearing Christs Kingdom would encrease, and his to ground be falling, 

Stirs up fresh instruments like sheepe that wolfishly were haling. 
Proud errour brochers, these croud in for liberty pretending, 

The overthrow of Romish trash, their words against it bending. 
Quoth one here none but Scholler may in pulpit be a Preacher, 

Pie ship my selfe, for sure I am, full gifted for a Teacher. 
Up starts another from a crowd, of women, her admiring, 

An able tongue in Scripture learn'd, to preach forsooth desiring, 
With revelations strange, yet true, as Scripture them accounting, 

Another comes to ship himselfe, in knowledge all surmounting. 
'Gainst Magistrates another cries, none such on earth should stand, 

I'le venture o're the broadest Seas for freedome from their hand. 
Thus diversly dispos'd doe people pack up [and] away, 

To populate new Collonies, where none but Heathen stay. 



Good Neivs from New England. 1 99 

Of the Transportation of people and goods to the Mat- 
tachusets bay, and other adjacent Collonies. 

When as this people thus resolv'd the Ocean Sea to venter, 

As was their errant, so they did addresse the ships to enter. 
Ship-owners seeing like it was their gain might holpen bee 

And Undertakers with like hope, to hire ships were free. 
Close Cabbins being now prepar'd with bread, biefe, beere and fish, 

The passengers prepare themselves that they may have their wish. 
With little goods, but many words, aboord comes one, and sayes, 

I long to see my feet on shore, where cloudy pillar stayes, 
As high as clouds he darts his words, but it is earth he wants : 

For having past the fishing banks, soon smels the gay ground plants, 
In long boat with a scouring pace comes gentle-like attended, 

New fashion'd by the Taylor's hand, one for his parts commended. 
Master at last quoth he, I'm not with labour much inured, 

Yet for to countenance good folk this toyl's to be endured. 
Hee's loath to say, that men of parts to govern towns are wanting, 

And therefore he will through the seas, 'mongst others to be planting. 
His Cabin is too strait, his fare too mean for his degree, 

Now good Sir be content a while, on shore you'l be more free. 
Eftsoones comes clambring up the ropes one in his mind revived, 

That hee's no servant, quoth he, this was very well contrived, 
Now I may goe where I can close with people and with Preacher, 

But its great wages makes him close, for there he needs no teacher. 
Brief dancing on the decks doth walk another boasting sore 

Of godly kindred, and he longs to be with them on shore. 
These and the like may England spare, but oh it's sad to say, 

That privatly for publick work thy Worthies went away. 
Sage, sober, grave and godly men, together counsell seeking 

At eh'hand of God, they fast and pray for their approved liking : 
And will not stirre one foot, but by his word and will directing, 

So on the seas most happily they found his hand directing. 
Now large Revennewes hinder not, hoopt up in hogsheads they 

Transport both lands and houses too, nine hundred leagues away. 
Oh wee'l away, now say the poore, our Benefactors going, 

That fild our children's mouths with bread, look yonder are they rowing. 
O woe is me another cries, my Minister, its hee, 

As sure as may be, yonder he from Pursevant doth flee. 
With trickling tears scarce uttering speech, another sobbing sayes, 

If our poore preacher shipped be, hee'l ne're live halfe the way, 
But one poore friend, another cries, my secret heart to plain, 

And he and his are shipped, now I'le after him amain. 
'Mongst these doth Satan get a fraught, Angels of light they seeming, 

Were entertain'd among the rest, as holy Saints them deeming. 
Hardly beset on every side, Gods people thus attended, 

To troublous seas betake themselves, yet by their God befriended. 
In straits to get their goods aboord, their wives and children small, 

Hard to attaine a cleering thought, cleerely dismist of all. 
But God and godly friends, whom they find in their hard-ships free, 

To send and lend them help in all, their great calamity. 



200 Good News from New England. 

The boysterous waves begin to hoyse their brittle barques on bye, 

When suddenly the billowes breake, and dash their ships awry. 
Unwonted to such wondrous workes the little babes complaine 

For harbour in their Mothers armes, whom sicknesse doth constraine 
To sit as helplesse, yea, for help of others they doe cry, 

But all sea-sicke for present, all do others help deny. 
Each corner's filPd with goods and folke,the ships large womb could bear, 

That hot diseases breed among this crowd, no roome to spare 
For any weake ones, nor for those, whose fruit was ripe for light, 

On soundlesse depths their babes are borne 'mongst waves above ships 
hight. 
Both aged, weake, and tender ones the seas now tumbling tosse, 

Till they I forc'd to harbour turn'd,* with stormy windes being crost. 
In western Anglia, and the Isle Hihernia they bide 

With longing for Jehova's help, who only windes doth guide. 
As loft to lose the last long sight of their deare native soile, 

Both back and forth the winds them drive, with mickle restlesse toyle. 
But being once in Ocean large, where depths the earth wide sever, 

Returne no more, though winds them crosse, to end their course indere.f 
In unknown depths, and pathlesse Seas, there nights and days they spend, 

'Mongst stormy winds and mountain waves long time no land they kend. 
At ships mast doth Christs Pastors preach, while waves like Prelats proud, 

Would fling them from their pulpits place as not by them allow'd. 
The swelling surges raging come to stop their mouths with fome, 

For publishing of every truth that by God's word is known. 
But Christ as once, so now [he] sayes peace [ye] waves, and be still, 

For all their height they fall downe flat, obey they must his will. 
And now the Seas like medowes greene, whose ground and grasse 
even are, 

Doth gently lead their ships as sheep from place to place afar. 
Who would not wait on such a God, that heaven, earth, seas commands, 

To serve his folke, then serve him folke, conducted by his hand. 
For forty, fifty, sixty dayes and nights they safely swim, 

Preparing oft for fight, at sight of ships that pirats been. 
Long looke'd for land at length the eye, unknown, yet owne they will, 

To plant therein new Collonies, wide wildernesse to fill. 



Of the arrivall of our English Nation at the 
Mattachusets Bay, fyc. 

With hearts revived in conceit, new land and trees they eye, 

Senting the Csedars and sweet feme from heats reflection drye, 
Much like the bird from dolsome Homes inclos'd in cage of wyre, 

Set forth in fragrant fields doth skip in hope of her desire. 
So leap the hearts of these mixt men by streights o're seas inured, 

To following hard-ships wildernesse, doth force to be endured. 
In clipping armes of out-stretcht Capes, there ships now gliding enter, 

Jn bay where many little Isles do stand in waters Center. 

* [Be forc'd to harbour turn ? — Eds.] t [Tndover ? — Eds.] 



Good News from New England. 201 

Where Sea-calves with their hairy heads gaze 'bove the waters brim, 

Wondring to see such uncouth sights their sporting place to swim. 
The seas vast length makes welcome shores unto this wandring race, 

Who now found footing freely for, Christs Church his resting place. 
This people landing, soonly shewd diversity of minds, 

As various heads, so actions did declare their divers kinds. 
Now patience, John, give eare awhile unto a briefe digression-, 

The better shalt thou understand the following progression. 
Diversity of censure have past on this people, why 

Most judge the whole by lesser part, and parts run much awry. 
By parts the giver, nor to part, and thou a part shalt see, 

To be partakers with the truth in hearts simplicity. 
Yet further let me mind thee more from Satans sullin fits, 

Great rancour doth against them rise, enlarg'd by divers wits. 
Yea male-contents none well content but discontentedly, 

They breath out ill, being crost in will to all lamentingly. 
But now let's on my honest John, to land this people came, 

'Mongst trees and men that naked been, whom labour did not tame. 
Small entrance did they make therein, for why diseases stay, 

Their long unwonted legs to walke, in wildernesse the way. 
In booths and huts lamenting lye, both men and women eake, 

Some breathing out their latest breath, and others faintly speak, 
Unto their friends for succour soone that strength they might recover, 

Which once attain'd, they search the land, tracing the Countrey over. 
To raising Townes and Churches new, in wildernesse they wander, 

First Plymouth, and then Salem next, were placed far asunder. 
Charles river where they nextly land, a Towne like name they built 

Poore Cottages them populate, with winters wet soone spilt. 
Brave Boston such beginning had, Dorchester so began, 

Roxbury rose as mean as they, Cambridge forth from them ran. 
Lin likewise built, when Watertowne first houses up did reare, 

Then large-limb'd Ipswich brought to eye 'mongst woods and waters 
cleer. 
Hartford, New-haven, scituate,* Sandwich and Dover all, 

In wildernesse 'mongst people wilde, there Scituations fall. 
Newbery, Weymouth, Hingham, Hull, have their first nomination, 

Rude Island Providence brought forth by banished their station. 
Springfield, Hamlton, Concord, eke Deddam and Rowly, wee 

New peopled in this Western world, where lands lye wast and free. 
Salisbury, Sudbury, both began, to bore the Land, and plant, 

Braintre, Glocester, Exeter, plac'd where the wilde beasts haunt. 
Wooborn, Wickham,i Redding built, with little silver mettle, 

Andover, Haverhill, BerrVs-banks, J their habitations settle. 
Southampton, Martins-vineyard, and some new nam'd Towns beside, 

All by this brood of travellers, were peopled far and wide. 
With what they had stor'd up for time of scarcity, they live, 

Till tubs were empty, and the Land, could them small succour give. 
God ne're denyes them fresh supplyes, with joy oft ships they eye, 

That bring in bread and meate for food when in those straights they cry. 

* [Not printed as a town, but incorrectly. — Eds ] 

t [Q,u. Where and what ? — Eds.] | [Strawberry-bank, Portsmouth ? — Eds ] 



202 Good News from New England. 

Till labour blesse the earths encrease, and food each Tovvne doth fill, 
The land being sowne with man and beast, great store retaining still. 

A brief e description of the Land, Beasts, 
g Birds, Trees, and Fruits. 

VnlevePd lies this land new found with hills and vallies low, 

With many mixtures of such mold where fruits do firtile grow. 

Well watered with the pleasant springs that from the hills arise, 

The waters run with warbling tunes, with stones that in them lies. 

To welcome weary travellers, resting unneath the shade, 

Of lofty banks, where lowly boughs, for them fresh harbour made. 

The lesser Rivelets rent themselves into a wider way, 

Where scouring torrents furious fall, through rocks their streames doe stray. 

Spring-. 

At end of March begins the Spring, by Sols new elivation, 
Stealing away the earths white robe, dropping with sweats vexation. 
The Codfish, Holybut, and Basse, do sport the rivers in, 
And Allewifes with their crowding sholes, in every creek do swim. 
Leaving their spawn in ponds to thrive 'mongst Pikes devouring jawes, 
That swallow Trowts, Tench, Roach and Breme into their greedy mawes. 
Pirch, Shad, and Eeles, there plenty fill the panyard and the pan, 
Smelts, Lobsters, Crab-fish, pranes and shrimps, with cockles, mussels 

clams. 
Plenty of oysters overgrow the flowed lands so thick, 
That thousand loads to lime are turn'd, to lay fast stone and brick. 
The Cormorants with greedy gut full fast the fishes follow, 
And Eagles with their piercing sight look through the waters shallow. 
Ducks, Hens, and Pheasants often row upon the waters brim, 
With plenty of their fellow fowles to welcome in the spring. 
Devouring fires burning black the earths old rusty hew, 
Like torch-bearers in gloomy night, their flames with wind sore flew. 
Like Phoenix rare, from ashes old, of grasse, doth grasse arise, 
The earth casts off her mourning coate, gay clad like bride to eyes. 
With herbs and divers precious plants for physicks operation, 
Diversity of fragrant flowers for sences recreation. 

Sommer. 

Bespread with Roses Sommer 'gins take place with hasty speed, 

Whose parching heate Strawberries coole doth moderation breed. 
Ayre darkening sholes of pigeons picke their berries sweet and good, 

The lovely cherries birds entice to feast themselves in woods. 
The Turkies, Partridge, Heath-hens and their young ones tracing passe, 

The woods and medowes, Achorns eat, and hoppers in the grasse. 
Like Virgils knat musketo flies with buzzy humming dare 

Assault the stoutest with long trunke, both blood and blisters reare. 
When little lineaments the Sun, or winde doth feeble make 

Yea cooling dewes their swarms allay, and strength of stinging slake. 
The little hum-birds sucking sweet, from flowers draw their food, 

Humilities in summer-time only find livelihood. 



Good News from New England. 203 

Autumne. 

Good wholsome and delightful! food, variety and store, 

The Husband-man rejoycing keeps, with fruit the earths wombe boare. 
Peas plenty, Barley, Oats and Wheat, Rye richly stocking stands, 

Such store the plough-man late hath found, that they feed forreign lands. 
Cucumbers, mellons, apples, peares, and plums do flourish faire, % 

Yea what delight and profit would, they still are adding there. 
Sixe sorts of Oakes the land affords, Walnuts doe differ so, 

That divers shapes their fruit retains, and food that in them grow. 
Roots are not wanting, wild and tame, in gardens they encrease, 

Ground nuts, ground beans, not gathered till, warmth doth the earth 
release. 
Grapes wanting vintage, common grow, fit for the travellers hand, 

With food from berries multitude, that grow throughout the land. 

Winter. 

Sharpe, sudden, yet with lightsome looks doth winters cold come in, 

With thicke, large Coat doth cloath the earth, both soft, smooth, white 
and trim. 
The large tempestuous surges are bound in with frozen band, 

Where ship did anker, men doe walke, and carts as on the land. 
The Geese flye prating night and day, to tell the approaching season, 

Brought downe by gun shot from their flight unto the Indians geson. 
The tumbling beares intrapped are, 'mongst houses sudden enter, 

O'rethrowne by eager hunters, who pursue them in this venter. 
The tripping Deer with length of leaps, do burst through frozen snow, 

Hunters pursue with bracket shooes, at length they weary grow. 
Then down the dogs them sudden draw, expos'd to hunters pleasure, 

Their flesh well welcome, and their skins, are chiefe of Indian treasure. 
Whole kennels of devouring wolves both Deer and Swine destroy, 

Yet scar'd by weakest children, they them the lesse annoy. 
The Suns bright presence most dayes doth cheere man and beast with joy, 

With hope of pleasant springs approach to free from colds annoy. 
With mineralls the earth is fraught, though Alcumists are wanting, 

Which makes [the] current mettle priz'd 'mongst Merchants daily 
scanting. 



Of their building, planting, and giving 
out of LANDS. 

Delightfull to the eye did lye the woods and medowes greene, 

The paths untrod by man and beast, both smooth and clenly seene. 
Most men unlanded till this time, for large lands Eages* sue, 

Had not restraint knockt of their hands, too big their fermes had grew. 
Give eare I pray unto the praise set on a new Plantation, 

First for the medow sirs says one, I have found such a station. 
Where grasse doth grow as high as I, round stalkes and very thicke, 

No hassocks but a bottom plain, Carts cannot therein stick. 

* [Eager ? — Eos] 



204 Good News from New England. 

Salt hay and fresh there thousands are of acres I do deeme, 

A gallant harbour there 's for ships the best that yet is seene. 
Boates may come up unto our doors, the Creeks convenient lye, 

Fish plenty taken in them are, plains plowable hard by. 
No bush nor roots to hinder them, yet stately timber is, 

In every swamp, yea uplands too, most clobberd trees I wis. 
Clay there for bricke and tile, pot-earth with ease, and store, 

Some men suppose black lead is there, silver and copper o're. 
Carry but guns, and wild fowle will be brought unto our dishes, 

Venison and Moose you there may catch according to your wishes. 
All creatures thrive exceeding well, Goats, Swine, and sheep for meat, 

Horse, Cows, and Calves encrease as well, ther's store of English wheat. 
Five, seven, or nine old Planters doe take up their station first, 

Whose property is not to share unto themselves the worst. 
Their Cottages like Crows nests built, new commers goods attain, 

For mens accommodation sake, they truck their seats for gaine. 
Come buy my house, here may you have, much medow at your dore, 

'T will dearer be if you stay till, the landed be planted o're. 
See you that garden-plat inclos'd, Pumkins there hundreds are, 

Parsnips and Roots, with Cabiges, grow in great plenty there. 
Lay out an hundred pound or two, you shall have such a seat, 

When you have planted but one crop, you cannot want for meate. 
This praise doth make the purchaser his gold and silver throw, 

Into his hand for house and land that yet he did not know. 
Unseen, and yet [so] sudden bought, when once the sale was ended, 

His purchase makes him misse of more, with gifts he's not befriended. 
One he hath friends to praise his parts, his lot shall larger be, 

For usefull men are highly priz'd, such shall sell two or three. 
Sure much mistaken, towns have been, for many have made prize, 

Get all they can, sell often, than, and thus old Planters rise. 
They build to sell, and sell to build, where they find towns are planting, 

Till men no more the Sea passe o're, and Customers are wanting. 
Then those that boast their townes were full for company are longing, 

Who lately fear'd land would fall short, when men to them came 
thronging. 
Insatiate minds for medow, and best land they could attain, 

Hath caused Townes, land lay by lot, I wish it were not vaine. 



Of their Civill Government. 

The Transplantation of this people and patten inrevaded 
(though rare yet) honest advice in law was had by wise, 
sober, and godly Gentlemens, fore-seeing the daily adding 
stories to such a work, would be more envyed then the 
Golden-fleece of Calchos. God giving favour, they attain'd 
a large patten under the broad Seale of England, to set 
up government, not only for the orderly execution of judg- 






Good News from New England. 205 

nent and justice among themselves, but for the suppressing 
)f all malignant adversaries to the kingdome of Christ, that 
it any time should invade or disturb this government: for 
)roofe ask their adversaries, who though Doeg like will tel 
70U both Magistrates and Ministers joyne heart and ha#d 
lerein, yet the latter meddle not with Civill Justice, as 
;ome would beare men in hand : But lets on, this patten 
lath proved corrasive to some, especially in not admitting 
Lppeales : Some seeking to have it reca'd ; others crying 
>ut it's forfeit, yet hitherto held, and meet men yearly 
:hose for Governour, Deputy, and Assistants, (whose acts 
f justice have passed sundry censures) as also from each 
'owne two Deputies are sent in the name of the Free- 
nen, who joyning together in one body or generall Court, 
lave according to their patten made many causes agree- 
fible to the word of God, and their wildernesse condition 
|oth for English and Indian to follow. Quarter Session, 
jr Goale-delivery are kept by seven Magistrates, the Gov- 
i rnour or Deputy being one : as also in the severall Shires 
pr tryals between man and man, are constant Courts kept, 
:jnd in every Town certain persons are yearly chosen to 
ijnd causes of lesser vertue, w 7 ith free accesse for any per- 
ons that finde themselves grieved, to appeal from one 
vourt to another, even to the highest, which is the generall 
Dourt. Their laws are of three sorts; 1. The lawes of 
England, so far as the people and place can be capable. 
1 Lawes wholly of their own. 3. When cases fall out, 
hat neither of these will reach, they are to follow such 
iules as are cleerly drawn from the word of God : and be- 
cause many men take upon them to interpret the Scrip- 
>pres now adays : so that instead of one of a thousand, 
ijhere appears a thousand to one, which makes them en- 
(jeavour (with the ablest gifted men God hath given them) 
I obtaine positive lawes : for all matters may come in 
idgment, that Arbitrarinesse may be avoided. And now 
tecause the courage, dexterity, and skill of Commanders 
ppeareth most when they meete with their enemie : know 
,)ure sorts of persons have battered this goverment not 
fnly with their greater Artillery, at 900. leagues distance, 
But with continual! small shot at 10. or 12. and sometimes 
t pistoll-shot, raising over-topping batteries, brest-works, 
I 4th s. — vol. i. 26 



206 Good News from New England. 

and out-facing Galleries, delving deepe to undermine the 
foundation (though built on the surest rocke) casting forth 
fierce fireing granadoes, using all the stratagems such cun- 
ning Engineers could possibly invent. The first onset was 
gken by Bonasosias under the conduct of their host of 
Merri-mount, who having some tryals in the Courts of Jus- 
tice, assaid to mend his bad cause with bribes : but finding 
repulse in both, began to make use of an Engine for bat- 
tery called Pontificatus (consulting with such as were best 
skil'd herein) to beate downe this new erected government, 
yet did little dammage it, being of small force in these 
American parts : at length was intreated to depart, which 
he refusing, was shipt with a takele for the fertile Isle of 
great Brittain, which those Gentlemen now ruling this 
Collony so loftly left, where he arriving, made his complaint 
to those, whose lordly injunctions enforced the greater part 
of this people to make choise of a banished condition for 
them and theirs, enduring rather the wants of a wilder- 
nesse, than a Prelats prison his (complaint being heard) 
appeales to England, being of purpose left out in the Mat- 
tachusets Patten, no Somner nor Pursevant was found to 
venter so far : yet the Host to make a merriment of the 
departure of so many reverend, learned, godly and judicious 
men (a sad Omen of some following tragedy) set forth a i 
Pamphlet in print, full fraught with loud lies to make his 
Bonasosia y s laugh. But prevailing little, ventured another 
voyage in these parts to find a new place for storming this 
government afresh, tracing the Countrey to and fro, was! 
apprehended of Indian ammunition, arrow heads of a more 
mortal nature than any yet used among them. The second 
onset was given by greater troops of Sexs, not marshal'd 
under the command of any one in chief: but those that 
could best use their battering Engine, were leaders of the 
rest : and verily they handled the matter so, that they 
came to handy gripes undiscovered : their new Engine was 
called Populatri aure Captator* somewhat like the Trojan 
horse for rarity, it was covered with womens aprons, and 
bolstered out with the judgement and deep discerning of 
the godly and reverent : but to say truth, they fou\y belied 
him ; These Sectaries having made a breach in most 

* [" Aura popularis cuptator." Liv. III. xxxiii. — Eds.] 



Good News from New England. 207 

jTownes in the countrey, publishing as through a trunk the 
jgreat tyranny of those that ruJe over their own species, 
Jperswading Authority is so farre from maintaining liberty, 
(that they cannot stand together : insomuch that Governours 
land governed began to wonder at the sudden alteration in 
jCourts and countrey: so that it would have put an able 
jPolitick to a non-plus. But the Lord graciously assisting, 
ithey couragiously goe on, first unarming all suspected per- 
sons : and then to prevent the spreading of this gangrin, 
ifehey endeavour the dispersing of this red Regiment. Some 
(at losse of esteeme voluntarily depart, others were banished, 
|and others with-drawing submitted againe to the godly 
government of this Common-wealth. 

The third storm this government felt was from the scum 
jof the former under the command of Samuel Gorton, who 
ijknowing some of his Sectaries were closely lurking behind 
|n this government, sent forth his blasphemies to thunder 
idowne all government as diabolicall, raging and railing 
iagainst Magistrates and generall Courts, as murtherers, 
absolving from their obedience all such as would follow 
ijtheir opinion ; had not the conceitednesse of their own ele- 
gancy hindered, they might have done much hurt, their 
[Jeader being a very dangerous, bold-spoken fellow, and full 
|of fawning ; with which, having -gained some 12. or 13. 
families to cide with him, inforcing land from the poore 
Undians by meanes of the most potent Sachim of those parts, 
ijunder whose friendship they bare themselves bold against 
ijthe united Colonies, building on the Indians land, having 
iputed themselves from all governement, would not submit 
|to any law or common reason, desperately going on, threat- 
jping bloud and death to any should come to apprehend 
ijthem ; Yet at length were handsomely apprehended with- 
put one drop of bloud spilt, for all their great boaster, 
(brought to a generall Court, and there proceeded against : 
Myet so slenderly (their offence being very destructive to all 
(government : And of such an high nature) that their mal- 
ice encreasing, their Censure did but exasperate, and not 
Bat all disinabled them to prosecute as formerly the great 
((disturbance, if not overthrow of this little common-wealth ; 
j(these persons yet remain, battering the united Colonies 
with all the force they are able to make : and as they deny 



208 Good News from New England. 

government among Christians, so they endeavour to over- 
throw one government with another. 

The 4th onset was made by a Doctor of physick, as I 
Commander in chiefe, with sixe other inferiour Officers, 
who pretended they had thousands on their side : and 
therefore to muster up al the force they could, proclaim (at 
a generall Court) themselves to be leaders to all discon- 
tented persons, who disliked any thing this government had 
done (plausable to all the stragling Bonasosia's and Prelati- 
call faction, that had hid themselves in holes since the 
former bickering) and furnishing them with fresh weapons, 
teaching them to dissemble, as if siding with Englands 
government, promising to themselves the procurement of all 
the old Ceremonies and odde Holidayes. Next this blacke 
Regiment, appeared a red Regiment of fiery contentious, 
persons, who for want of their wils against their adver- 
saries in law, make many sad complaints : and now are 
perswaded, could they but cast down this government, 
they should have such laws, Lawyers, and Magistrates, 
that the case would goe alway on their side, whether 
Plaintifife or defendant. In order followed a white Regi- 
ment, consisting of sundry Sectaries, in hope of attaining 
liberty, or rather liscentiousnesse ; were this government but 
once supprest to bring up the reare : under an Ensigne part, 
argent part, or colour, appeared two sorts of people : the 
one deeming it a way for encrease of trade, not only to 
blind-fold Justice, but stay her sword from falling on the 
heads of such as could cover their crime with pretence 
of conscience : The other possest with strong conceits, 
that if this government were not cast down, they should 
never come to govern. Thus furnished, they made strong 
opposition, some of them boasting what a day they should 
get : but their great numbers failing them, and in stead of 
thousands, there appeared not thirty: and further being 
apprehended in midst of their project, were imprisoned, 
and fined for ther folly : yet but little in respect of their 
offence. Only thus much some have learned, to shew so 
much clemency to their adversaries, that it proves cruelty 
to their friends. What faithfulnesse, courage and justice in 
all these passages have been shewed by those in authority, 
cannot be waned by the reproachfull words, and piercing 



Good News from New England. 209 

lookes of pale-fac'd envy. And now my friend John, when 
thou nearest any upbraiding, deriding, condemning, and 
exclaiming against this government of this little Common- 
wealth, for my sake examine them before thou believe 
them, and you shall find them to have fled from one of 
these Regiments, or at least a wel-willer of theirs that 
could have wisht them the day : And now to end this 
slender touch of their civill-government, eye this following 
meeter. 



To populate this howling desart Land, 

The only worke is of Jehovah's hand. 
Contemn no weakest meanes in hand of him : 

See here his worke by meanes that weakest been. 
In thrice five yeares a Common-wealth compleat, 

For peace, for war, for actions small and great. 
Five hundred Lawes for peoples plaine direction, 

Englands addition as naturall Connection, 
Prest to oppose haters of peace ; with guide 

Of Officers, three "Regiments abide. 
In Middlesex seven Ensigns are displaid, 

There disciplin'd by Major Sedgwick's aide. 
In Suffolk nine, by Major Gibbons led, 

Essex and Norfolk in one are marshalled, 
By Denison, their Major in the field, 

Their Generall a yearly choise doth yeild. 
Eight times a yeare each band instructed is, 

And once to meet in one they may not misse. 
Both Horse and Foot, force, forts and castles are, 

Prepar'd in peace for peace, yet fit for War. 
To awe bruit men, Justice impartially, 

Hath hitherto with pale suspitious eye, 
Disperst the crimes common in many Lands, 

Disgrace for vice, honour for vertue stands. 
Now notice take, this is the grand complaint, 

That English here from priviledg'd restraint, 
Have : why I pray, you'l priviledg confound, 

If common they with lawrell all not crown'd. 
For trades, commerce, Merchants, Sea-affaires, 

Great freedoms had, large gaines their losse repaires. 
Monopolies is by their lawes forbid, 

Unlesse invention rare from others hid. 
All handy-crafts have choise of worke at will, 

And ordered are, lest working praise they spill. 
As shipping great, built up by timbers strength, 

But iron mills their chains of greater length. 
Salt, sope and glasse, Tiles, lime and bricke are made, 

With orders for well-ordering each Trade. 



210 Good News from New England. 

So suted hath his providence, that none 

Can contradict : envy of any one 
Shall not prevaile, Justice and peace shall still, 

Perfect this worke, govern for God they will. 
For husbandry, Corne, Cattell, wood and hay, 

Good lawes are made for all men to obey. 
Listen a while, I must spend one word more, 

Some rubs remaine, are hardlier gotten o're. 
Bipartior in many Court and Cause, 

Doth dull the edge of Justice, Sword and Lawes. 
Discloseth Counsels, opens Breaches wide, 

That adverse part steps in without a guide. 
Makes causes good or bad, as men affect it, 

Doth what's oppos'd, and what is lik't neglect it. 
Tells liberty, authority will stop, 

And clip her wings, quoth she, Pie sit on top. 
Tells men their cause is good, but wanting 

Lawes : or Judges are in learn'd,* in sight scanting. 
More yet remaines, swift speakers show but backe, 

So counsels lost words will not fill a sack. 
And now say truth doth not great skill appear, 

Through such tempestuous seas and stormes to steere. 
So swiftly one grapling with Pirats oft, 

For England fain'd, bearing their flag aloft. 
To England yet, ungratefuil they'l not be, 

That governe here, yet little help they see. 
The more's to come, experience teaches sure, 

You'l pitty more, when you the like endure. 
More yet you'l find our enemies are yours, 

You'l hurt your selves if you encrease their powers. 
Forgive, that they so much your good forget, 

Lighter to truth, those they should harder it. 
If England one as truths but one embrace, 

These tooke your name, and you will take their case. 
If England say more wayes then one they will, 

Allow no more then helps reforming still. 
Those that are skil'd in structures modell, make, 

A little moddel here is for you, take 
What may serve turne for opposites to awe, 

For Kings may rule without a Bishops law. 
Could Bishops keepe downe all their Lordships spoile, 

And can't highest Court awe those Gods word defile. 
With blasphemous horrid interpretation, 

As only they knowing Gods explanation. 
Ruine now men strive, with words contentious strength, 

New-Englands acts shall speak, not words at length. 
While fogs arise from errour-broaching braines, 

Their justice clouded is, and what remaines. 
But unto God that they commit their way, 

And judgment shall burst forth as sunny day. 

* [Unlearn 'd ? — Eds.] 



Good News from New England. 211 

Let England wait with patience for the same, 
Not drawing backe for cost, finish for shame. 

Lest Prelates proud tolleraling deride, 
Ye know not truth without their guide. 



Of the planting of the Gospel of our Lord Christ 

in the Mattachusets, and other adjacent 

COLLON1ES. 

When these persecuted servants of Christ Jesus first set 
foot on these American shores, having their tongues untied 
from the Prelates Injunctions, they preach with all dili- 
gence to their Auditors, doubling their hours to regain their 
lost time, being throughly warm'd with the manifestation 
of the love of their Lord Christ, in bearing them in his 
arms through the boystrous waves, a depthless Ocean ; 
these exil'd Ministers of Christ soon began to gather into 
Churches, as meete stones were offered ; and now you 
shall see how they hasted after fat Benefices, every one 
endeavouring to associate themselves with plain honest- 
hearted Christians rich in grace, the Lord assisting : with 
full purpose of heart to cleave unto the Lord Christ, and 
submit to his kingdome according to the rule of his word 
made known unto them : and also to exhort one another 
while it is called to day, (and this is the substance of that 
Church-covenant that so many are grieved at ;) this they 
doe with solemne and serious seeking of the Lord by 
prayer and fasting. And now I beseech you all that 
rightly love the Lord Christ, forbeare taking up any preju- 
dice against this poor people from the report of others. 
Could your eyes and eares see and heare their comely 
order, and with what spirituall expressions the Lord assists 
his servants in the Ministry, it would assuredly (God help- 
ing) cause your bowels to yern toward them and the 
Churches to which they doe belong : many of whom here- 
after are expressed by name, together with their annuall 
maintenance so neere, as for the present I could gather. 
Only take notice New Englands pounds in some things 
cal'd currant pay, will hardly hold out with old England 
Angells, and yet will they not be gone from their flockes for 
thicker fleeces, unlesse example prove prejudicial! to others. 



212 Good News from New England. 

Salem : Mr. Hugh Peters (in Engl.) Mr. Edw. Norris, 
60 pound. 

Charles Town : M. Zach. Sims 90. 1. Mr.Tho. Allen 60. 1. 

Boston : Mr. John Cotton, 90. 1. M. John Wilson 60. 1. 

Roxbury : M. Thomas Wells (in England) 80. 1. 

Dorchester: M. Richard Mathers, 70. 1. 

Watertown : M. Fran. Knowles, 80. 1. 

Linne : M. Sam. Whiting, 45. 1. M. Tho. Cobbit, 45. 1. 

Ipswich : M. Nat. Rogers 70. 1. M. John Norton, 70. 1. 

Hingham: M. P. Hubbert, 60. 1. 

Wajmouth : Mr. Tho. Thatcher, 50 I. 

Rowly : M. Ezek. Rogers, 80. 1. M. Sam. Mathers, 30. 1. 

Cambridge: M. Tho. Sheppard, 70.1. 

Deddam : M. John Allen, 50. 1. 

Concord : M. Buckly, 70. 1. 

Salisbury : M. Th. Woster, 45. 1. 

Newberry, M. Tho. Parker, 40. 1. M. Jam. Noyse, 60. 1. 

Hampton : M. Boulton,* 40. I. 

Sudbury : M. Edm. Browne, 40. 1. 

Braintree : M. Henry Flint, 30. 1. M.Wil. Tompson, 30. 1. 

Dover : M. Dan. Maud, 40. 1. 

Gloster: M. Richard Blindman, 40.1. 

Wooburn : M. Tho. Carter, 60. 1. 

Redding : M. Green, 30. 1. 

Wenham : M. David Fisk, 20. 1. 

Harerhill : Mr. John Ward. 

Andover : Mr. Woodbridge. 

These 26. churches are in the government of the Mat- 
tachusets, besides these Townes following : Manchester, 
(Mr. Smith :) Hull, (Mr. Matthews :) Exeter (Mr. Norcraft) 
Strawbery Banks (St. Batolie. New Medowes, (Mr. 
Knight,) who is gone to England. 

The Worthies of the other Colonies I omit ; all men of 
esteeme : These are men chosen to office by the peo- 
ple, and ordained in presence of one or tw 7 o magistrates, 
together with the Elders and messengers of as many 
Churches as may conveniently send, w 7 ho are as so many 
faithfull witnesses to the orthodox judgement, and pious 
life of such as are to teach the people ; which Elders and 

* Error of type for Doulton, i. e. Dalton. 



Good News from New England. 213 

messengers in the name of their Churches, hold out the 
communion and fellowship they desire to have with them. 

Since Englands troubles, these Churches have been verv 
frequent in extraordinary seeking of the Lord, with much 
affection, fasting and praying, not without teares and strong 
cries for an happy issue to the glory of God, and the good 
of his people. Jn admitting persons to the sacramentall 
union, they endeavour to see the manifestation of Gods 
grace wrought upon their souls, expressed by their godly 
lives and conversations, either by continued observance, or 
honest testimony, they are admitted by the Elders, with 
consent of the people ; and all excommunications are by 
the same authority of the Elders, and consent of the peo- 
ple, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ administred to 
the terror of scandalous professors. As for prayer, singing 
of Psalmes, and the word preached, all are partakers of; 
and all children and servants in publick catechised, and 
verely the thirsting desires they have that all may come to 
the truth, even as it is in Jesus, appeares by the affable and 
courteous carriage of all that preach the word, being instant 
in season and out of season, &c. who are reputed both 
learned and judicious, and by Gods blessing on their labours, 
have gained many a soule to Christ. The people of these 
Colonies are generally laborious after knowledge in relig- 
ion, to which end they have societies, or neighbourly in- 
vitations each of other, for edification ; in which the in- 
dustrious paines and care of their minister to propagate the 
truth, appeares, praying and opening the Scriptures thus 
privatly, besides all their publick administrations. This 
truth may serve to shew the savourinesse of this salt: And 
now to take away the wonder how these ministers and peo- 
ple should come by so many back friends, walking in meas- 
ure so inoffensively, you shall understand, holinesse, right- 
eousnesse, humility, and learning in some called of Christ 
to be able ministers of his word and doctrine ; divers, who 
love the preheminence of both sexes, having taken a trick 
to preach to advance themselves, began to inveigh against 
learning, Scholars, and Colledges, and in mean time stretch- 
ing out what themselves had, till they rent into non-sense, 
and verily these soon grew to a round company praising 
one anothers parts when others would not ; and to cause 

4th s. — vol. u 27 



214 Good News from New England. 

others to admire them, they question the ancient truths 
taught by their ministers, and that before the whole con- 
gregation, and tell you the meaning of the originall Text. 
These were abler to discerne (as they apprehend) than 
their Elders, who were fit for the sacrament, delighting to 
shew their skill that way. Again, all know nothing is 
more opposite than damnable errors and saving truth. Now 
the unanimous agreement of their teaching Elders in the 
truth, hath caused those who are contrary minded, to mis- 
report their words and actions, cunningly casting false 
glosses on their doctrines, slighting all those godly Chris- 
tians who agree in the same truths, as weak punies, taking 
up all they have on trust. Further, take notice that our 
English nation having been accustomed after 16 yeares of 
age, to receive the Sacrament : now some here in these 
Colonies being upon good ground denied, with bitter 
speeches, and taunting language, upbraid both magistrates, 
ministers and people, powring out their complaints into 
their bosoms who are their good frends in England, telling 
they are abridged of the liberties of English subjects, &c. 
Lastly, certain persons more affecting trade than truth, 
prove discontented with such as are against the suffering 
grosse errors. These are the rubs have been cast in the 
way to hinder the through reformation, yet now, though 
with great difficulty, nearer accomplished than ever, if luke- 
warm liberty hinder not the good work of our God. And 
as for these instruments whom the Lord hath made use of, 
you marre the work, if you attribute ought unto them, and 
it will be very distastfull to their Christian appetites ; yet 
I will shew their prosecuting the work in the following 
meeter. 

What creature man that is so apt to take 

His praise,, who work and workman both did make, 
In telling of these Worthies work then I 

Own none but God, and yet his meanes I eye, 
Who though nine hundred leagues at sea, hath se it 

These twenty Worthies, who their time have spent 
In preaching Christ, his mind and will reveale 

From Scripture light each servants portion deale. 
One opens Prophesies as yet to come, 

So ready is the Scripture in his tongue. 
That word and sense his memory retaines, 

Cleare Scripture light, all by great, labour gaines. 



Good News from New England, 215 

One hewes the cords of wicked works with ire, 

Full Arguments as God doth him require. 
One pretious Balm from Christs deare sufferings fets, 

Wounded to heale ; if heale to fast, then frets 
Down the proud flesh from thought of knowledge rising, 

Till Christ alone they know, him onely prizing. 
One Sheppard he takes restlesse pains that none 

Themselves delude with happy state as one 
Belov'd of God in Christ, and therefore makes 

Cleare evidence from Gods word, whom he takes, 
And wholly bent to save his flock from tearing, 

With watchfull eye 'way sheepslaying wolves is scaring. 
One labours faith may get assurance fast, 

One he exhorts the anchor, hope to cast. 
One follows peace, and bids all folk pursue it, 

One's for fresh love, and when it's old renew it. 
One puts in minde with patience to abide, 

One cease from strife, take meeknesse on your side. 
One to humility exhorts with care, 

One wills their lives may passe in godly feare. 
One cheerfull bids in spirits joy to cheere. 

One would men mourn with those are mourners here. 
One bounty doth by his example teach, 

One zeal to God and's truth doth daily preach. 
One heavenly mindednesse perswadeth still, 

One Christian boldnesse seated in the will. 
One purity and holinesse commends, 

One for just dealing both with foes and friend. 
One he exhorts all Christian watch to keep, 

One prayer would with sighes and groanes so deep. 
One unto reading Scripture men perswades, 

One labour bids for food that never fades. 
One to redeem their time exhorteth all, 

One looking round, for wary walking calls. 
One he perswades men buy the truth, not sell, 

One would men should in moderatenesse excell. 
One for renew'd repentance daily strives, 

One's for a conscience cleare in all mens lives. 
One he exhorts all men Gods word to heare, 

One doth beseech to lend obedient eare. 
One he desires evil's appearance shun, 

One with diligence would all should be done. 
One shewes their woe that will not God believe ; 

One doth beseech Gods Spirit they'l not grieve. 
One wishes none to deep despair do run, 

One bids beware none to presumption come. 
One wils that all at murmuring take heed, 

One shewes that strife and envie should not breed. 
One shewes the hatred God to pride doth beare, 

One covetousnesse cries down with hellish feare. 
One to luke-warmnesse wishes none doe grow, 

One none for feare forsake the truth they know. 



216 Good News from Neio England. 

One idle talk and foolish jesting shun, 

One bids that none unto uncleannesse run. 
One sayes, none should self-seeking entertain, 

One teaches all in anger should contain. 
One idlenesse dehorts with meekle pains, 

One bids beware of error-broaching brains. 
One would all men surfets excesse take heed, 

One worlds joy and sorrow doe not exceed. 
One ignorance would not mens soules should slay, 

One in known sins bids men they would not stay. 
One wishes none of Faith doe shipwrack make, 

One their first love in Christ, that none forsake. 
One in their breast would none two hearts should beare, 

One woe of hypocrites doth oft declare. 
One bids beware, hardnesse of heart will breed, 

One, to adde sin to sin that none proceed. 
One lying tongues doth tell God hateth such, 

One bids beware, for Satans wiles are much. 
One sayes gainst all, power from Christ is had, 

One bids all be with's armour ever clad. 
I name but one, 'cause all as one the same, 

Exhort, dehort, in the Lord Christ his Name. 
Minding all still it's Christ his will that all 

Depart from ill, that on Gods name doe call. 
And further they professe that Christ alone, 

Works all in his, and for his every one. 
So grace is free, and nothing we to cause 

The cords of love with which Gods Spirit drawes. 
Which Spirit plainly doth appeare in all 

These preachings that from earthen lips doe fall 
Like deaw on grasse, how ever some deny it, 

As legall they : from Gods word doe thou try it. 
And neighbour John, yet one thing more now mind, 

Their learned counsell helps the truth to finde. 
Coupling these men in Synods God hath blest, 

By his word truth is found, error confest. 
As helpfull unto Godly learning they, 

With Schooles and Colledge, finde out learnings way. 

These people, though much weakned in their estates, for 
the space of ten yeares, yet have erected Schooles in divers 
Townes, and also a Colledge in the Town of Cambridge, 
called Harves Colledge : The President being an able 
Proficient in the Tongues, very studious to promote learn- 
ing, witnesse the young Audients both here and gone for 
England, hopefull instruments in the hands of the Lord 
for future times : the President is Mr. Dunster. 

Yet unto God this people feeling sayes, 
Not unto us, but to thy name be praise. 



Good News from New England. 217 

Now must I mind what hindrances remain, 

To blast the fruit of all these Worthies pain. 
Some would none should endevour unity, 

Tyrants (say they) do hinder liberty: 
Why truth's but one, and Christ will make you free, 

Come to the Word, let that your touch-stone bee. 
Some feare Presbytery hath too great power, 

If you are Christs, then all they have is yours. 
Some odd ones say they Independents are, 

Therefore in others counsel they'l not share. 
But now He end, and tell you friend, what will 

Perswade their way doth hold with still. 
Strong arguments doe papers fill each way 
• With words of heat : but honest John now stay, 
Unto experience let thy judgement bow, 

Let actions, speake, and not mens words to you. 
For little time, some subtile Foxes will, 

Bridle their nature, and yet Foxes still. 
Lord Bishops did some errors fend from sheep, 

So beasts of prey others from preying keep. 
Some new raisd errors Bishops power deny 

To side with truth, and yet their error eye. 
Neare twenty yeares these Churches you may trace 

In godly steps, no false way they'l embrace. 
Look in this glasse that thus is slubberd or'e, 

And you may see foure things uneyd before. 
No Prelate no King : that's not so, for see, 

Here Churches power and command agree, 
Of civill power to which these Churches yeeld 

Humble obedience, as their duty held. 
Next note, some say, Opinions none must touch, 

For feare they wrong the consciences of such, 
With word of truth, God helping true endeavours, 

Christs Pastor here error and conscience severs. 
Third, Law and Gospel at such oddes have set, 

That Rule of walking from it none may get. 
But here experience from Gods word is found, 

Gods folk with's word walk wary, looking round. 
Last, humane learning is no mean, some say; 

Blest by the Lord, to find his word and way, 
But as a meanes this people found it have, 

Yet trust not means, its onely God must save. 
But England now to thee He means commend, 

Make use of these before their life they end. 

The grave, godly, and judicious Mr. Hooker is laid in 
earth. Mr. Philips, Mr. Huet, Mr. Harver, and some 
others of like esteem yet remaining in the united Colonies, 
of name and note : Onely my friend John, see here a short 
observation taken from the whole for thy own use. 



218 Good News from New England. 

Church-covenant Band "brought in with liberty, 

But causeth men to walk licentiously. 
Some buy the truth : for conscience liberty, 

Error's brought in to blind men damningly. 

And now before I end, let me tell thee who are like to 
reap benefite by transporting themselves to those Colonies : 
First, Merchants who are skild in commerce with forraigne 
nations lying near the Indies, and well stored with ship 
provision cheaper than England. 

Secondly, Sea-men are w r ell imploid, if skild in Naviga- 
tion, shipping increasing every day, and would be farre 
more, had they Masters to manage the work. 

Thirdly, Husband-men are like to benefit themselves 
much, all sorts of cattell increasing exceedingly, and tillage 
prospering, that thousands of Acres are broken up yearly. 

Fourthly, all manuall occupations are falling into their 
ranks and places daily, (onely Printers of Cards, and Dice- 
makers, I could wish to forbeare,) very few but have in- 
creased in the riches of this life ; and further how now 
men of estates may improve what they have to their great 
advantage. And this I dare assure that one hundred 
pounds will doe that which five hundred could not doe at 
first planting of this little Common-wealth, which was the 
reason many sunk in their estates ; but now they see it too 
late, and some will not wait the Lords leasure for repairing, 
but forsake their station, with others have gained much, 
and carry it to other places to shew, and so lose it again. 
But my John, be thou more stable. 

Last, let all those who desire to have themselves dis- 
covered to themselves, resort to this place ; where, if they 
seek not themselves they may finde themselves, if not al- 
ready lost in selfe-conceitednesse of some strong opinion, 
for which if they desire to be admired, let them leave this 
long voyage, and keep at home. 



FINIS. 



STRACHEY'S ACCOUNT. 



[The following notice of the author of the ensuing extract, was, as well 
as his book, kindly communicated to a member of the Publishing Com- 
mittee by the Rev. Mr. Bartlet, of the Episcopal Church, Chelsea ; and 
will be found sufficiently ample to preclude the necessity of any further 
introduction. — Eds.1 



While engaged in writing the life of a clergyman, who was 
a missionary before the American Revolution in the then Prov- 
ince of Maine, my attention was turned to the early ecclesias- 
tical history of the Province. The minister referred to was in 
the employ of a missionary society of the Church of England. 
There appeared to be sufficient reason to believe that a clergy- 
man of that Church accompanied Popham's colony at Saga- 
dahoc in 1607. The reasons for that belief were briefly stated 
in the biography named ; as it was not supposed to be possible 
to prove the fact, much less to recover the name of the colony 
clergyman after the lapse of nearly two and a half centuries. 

But I accidentally learned that a manuscript copy of an an- 
cient account of that colony had been obtained in England by 
John Carter Brown, Esq., of Providence, R. I. Through the 
politeness of President Sparks of Harvard University (in whose 
possession the manuscript then was), I was favored with a pe- 
rusal of it. I found that my conjectures were correct, that the 
name of the colony clergyman was given, with other facts val- 
uable for my work. I learned at the same time that this ac- 
count had recently been published in England, but by whom I 
could not ascertain. I however succeeded in obtaining the pub- 
lications of the " Hakluyt Society " for 1849. One of the vol- 
umes for that year contains what I desired. This paper has 
never been published in America, and is probably known to but 
few persons in this country. 

The volume named contains an account of the early settle- 
ments in Virginia, and also of the attempted settlement at 
Sagadahoc, both written by William Strachey, Gent. This, 



220 Strachey^ s Account. 

with a Praemonition to the Reader by Strachey, and the Edi- 
tor's Preface and Introduction, make a volume of over two 
hundred pages. 

The English editor has been able to obtain but little informa- 
tion respecting the author of this ancient and (in part) contem- 
porary account. The writer of the present note can do little 
else than to condense what the English editor has given in his 
Introduction. 

The name of William Strachey first occurs in the second 
patent to Virginia. Vide Stith's Virginia, Appendix, No. 2 ; 
Smith's Virginia ; Hazard's Historical Collections, Vol. I. 58 
to 72. Strachey edited a quarto book accompanying Captain 
John Smith's Map of Virginia, Oxford, 1612. 

He was in one of the vessels which left England for Virginia, 
May 15th, 1609. This vessel was wrecked upon the Bermudas. 
A description of this storm, written by Strachey, may be found 
in Purchas, IV., 1734. On reaching Virginia, after leaving 
Bermuda, the new-comers found the colony in such a condition 
from famine, that all were about to return to England, when the 
opportune arrival of Lord Delaware, with a plentiful supply of 
provisions, determined them to remain. William Strachey was 
then appointed Secretary and Recorder. He was in England 
in 1612. The account by Strachey was probably written about 
1618. No further trace of him is to be found. 

Says the English editor : " Two copies of the manuscript, 
both in the author's handwriting (for there are a sufficient num- 
ber of instances of it in the British Museum to prove its iden- 
tity), are all that have come under the editor's notice ; one in 
the Sloane Collection, No. 1622, in the British Museum, from 
which the present publication has been transcribed; and the 
other among the Ashmolean Manuscripts, No. 1754. The only 
difference between these two is an alteration in the title of the 
second book, and the addition to the titles, both of the first and 
second books, of the motto, Algel qui non ardet. The Museum 
copy is dedicated to Sir Francis Bacon, ' Lord High Chancel- 
lor'; and that in the Ashmolean Library to Sir Allen Apsley, 
'Purveyor to His Majesties Navie Royall.'" 

The Second Book of Strachey might more properly be called 
the First, for more than half of it is occupied in a sketch of 
voyages of discovery to America from the time of Columbus to 
the date of the Sagadahoc colony. This portion contains noth- 
ing that has not been published in various forms before. It is 
therefore omitted, and the paper commences at Chapter V. 

WM. S. BARTLET. 

Chelsea, Mass., March, 1852. 



THE SECOND BOOK 



THE FIRST DECADE OF THE HISTORIE OF TRAVAILE INTO VIRGINIA 

BRITANNIA, entreating of the first discoveries of the 

COUNTRY, AND OF THE FIRST COLONIE, TRANSPORTED BY 

SIR RICHARD GREENVILE, KNIGHT, UPON THE ISLAND 

OF ROANOAK, AT THE EXPENCE AND CHARGE OF 

SIR WALTER RALEIGH, KNIGHT. 



AS ALSO OF THE NORTHERN COLONIE, SEATED UPON THE RIVER OF 

SACHADEHOC, TRANSPORTED ANNO 1585, AT THE CHARGE 

OF SIR JOHN POPHAM, KNIGHT, LATE LORD CHIEFE 

JUSTICE OF ENGLAND, GATHERED BY 

WILLIAM STRACHEY, GENT. 



PSALM CII, VER. 18. 

This shalbe written for the generation to" come : and the people which 
shalbe created shall praise the Lord." 



4th s. — vol. i. 28 



The following is added to Strachey's name in the title-page of the First 
Booke : — 



THREE YEARES THITHER IMPLOYED SECRETARIE OF STATE, AND 
OF COUNSAILE WITH THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE LORD 
LA-WARRE, HIS MAJESTIES LORD GOVERNOR AND 
CAPT. GENERALL OF THE COLONY.' 



11 



BOOK THE SECOND 



CAPUT V. 

The unfaithfulnes of such who were imployed miscarried the colony. 

Thus Sir W. Raleigh, weried with so great an expence, 
and abused with the unfaithfulnes of the ymployed, after 
he had sent (as jou maye see by these five severall tymes) 
collonies and supplies at his owne charges, and nowe at 
length both himself and his successors thus betrayed, he 
was even nowe content to submit the fortune of the poore 
men's lives, and lief of the holy accion ytself, into the fa- 
vour and proteccion of the God of all mercy, whose will 
and pleasure he submitted unto to be fulfilled, as in all 
things ells, so in this one particuler. By which meanes, 
for seventeen or eighteen yeares togeather, yt lay neglect- 
ed, untill yt pleased God at length to move againe the heart 
of a great and right noble earle amongst us, 

" Candidus et talos a vertice pulcher ad imos," 

Henry Earle of Southampton, to take yt in consideration, 
and seriously advise how to recreat and dipp yt anew into 
spiritt and life ; who therfore (yt being so the will of the 
Eternall Wisdome, and so let all Christian and charitable 
hearted believe in compassion to this people) begunn to 
make new enquiries and much scruteny after the country 
to examyne the former proceedings, togither with the law- 
fulnes and pious end thereof, and then, having well weighed 
the greatnes and goodnes of the cause, he lardgley con- 
tributed to the furnishing out of ti shipp to be comaunded 
by Capt. Bartholomew Gosnoll and Capt. Bartholomew 
Gilbert, and accompanyed with divers other gentlemen, to 
discover convenyent place for a new colony to be sent 
thither, who accordingly, in March, anno 1602, from Fal- 
mouth in a bark of Dartmouth, called the Concord, sett 
forward, holding a course for the north parte of Virginia. 



224 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

jjkx which tyme, likewise, Sir W. Raleigh once more 
bought a bark, and hired all the companye for wages by 
the month, ymploying therein, for chief, Samuell Mace 1 
(a sufficyent marriner, who had been twice before at Vir- 
ginia), to fynd out those people which he had sent last 
thither (as before remembered) by Capt. White, 1587 ; 
and who, if so be they could happely light uppon them, 
were like enough to instruct us the more perfectly in 
the quality of the natives, and condicion of the approved 
country, which barke departed from Waymouth the said 
moneth of March, anno, likewise, 1602, to hold a south- 
wardly course for Virginia, and which accordingly fell forty 
leagues to the so-westward of Hatarask, in 34 degrees, or 
thereabouts, and having there spent a moneth trading with 
the people for their owne, when they scoured along the 
coast, and, according to their charge, should have sought 
the people, both in the islands and upon the mayne, in 
divers appointed places, they did yt not, pretending that 
the extreamity of weather and loss of some principall 
ground tackling forced and feared them from searching the 
port at Hatarask, the. isle of Croatan, or any parte of the 
mayne of Dasamonquepeuk, and therefore taking in some 
quantity of saxafras, at that tyme of a good value, worth 
some three shillings the lb., Chyna roots, benjamin, cassia 
lignea, and the rynd of the tree which growes there, more 
strong then any spice, the vertue whereof, at length, is 
nowe well knowne, with divers other commodities, they 
returned, and brought no comfort or new accesse of hope 
concerning the lives and safety of the unfortunate English 
people, for which only they were sett forth, and the charg 
of this imployment was undertaken. 



CAPUT VI. 



The success of the good ship called the Concord, set forth by the Earle of 
Southampton, and commaunded by Capt. Bartholomew Gosnoll, for dis- 
covery, upon a right lyne, falling- about Sachadehoc. 

The good ship the Concord, as you have heard, setting 
forth with this about the fourteenth of Maye followinge, 

1 See Purchas, vol. iv. f . 1653. 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 225 

making land in 43 degrees of the north latitude, had better 
successe ; for the commaunders therein, intending faithfully 
the end of their goeing forth, discovered many goodly riv- 
ers, islands, and a pleasant eontynent, and the Indians in 
the said height, in bark shallops, with maast and sayle, iron 
grapples, and kettles of copper, came boldly abourd them, 
apparelled with wastcoats and breeches, some of black 
serdge, some of blew cloth, made after the sea fashion, with 
hose and shooes on their feet : a people tali of stature, 
broad and grym visaged ; their eye browes paynted white ; 
and yt seemed by some wordes and signes which they 
made, that some barks, or of St. John de Luz, 1 had fished 
and traded in this place. 

But the ship riding here in noe good harborow, and with 
all the weather doubted, the master stood off againe into 
the sea southwardly, and soone after found himself im- 
bayed with a mighty headland, where, coming to an an- 
chor within a league of the shoare, Capt. Gosnoll com- 
maunded the shallop to be trymed out, and went ashore, 
where he perceaved this headland to be parcell of the 
mayne, and sondry islands lying almost round about yt ; 
whereupon, thus satisfied, he repaired abourd againe, 
where, during the tyme of his absence, which was not 
above six howers, he found the ship so furnished with ex- 
cellent cod fish, which they had hauled, that they were 
compelled to through nombers of them overbourd agayne : 
insomuch yt left this belief in them all, — that in this sea- 
son, namely, April and Maye, there maye, upon this coast, 
in this height (as I said of about 43) be as good fishing, 
and in as great plenty, as in the Newfoundland ; and they 
were the more probably confirmed herein by the skulls of 
mackarells, herrings, cod, and other fish, which they daily 
saw as they went and came from the shoare ; the place, 
besides, where they tooke these codds being but in seven 
fathome water, and within lesse than a league of the 
shoare, where, in Newfoundland, they fish forty or fifty 
fathome water, and far off upon the banck. 

This headland, therefore, they called Cape Cod, from 
whence they sayled round about the same almost all the 

1 So in MS. The port of St. .Te;m de Luz, in the Bosses Pyrenees, became sub- 
sequently the seat of extensive commerce with the French possessions in North 
America. 



226 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

points of the compasse, the shoare very bold ; at length 
they came amongst many faier islands, three especyally, 
those which they had discerned upon the land, all lying 
within a league or two one of another, and not above six 
or seven leagues from the mayne ; the one whereof Capt. 
Gosnoll called Marthaes Viniard, being stored with such an 
incredible nombre of vynes, as well in the woody parte of 
the island, where they runne upon every tree, as on the 
outward parts, that they could not goe for treading upon 
them ; the second, full of deare, and fowle, and glistering 
minerall stones, he called by his owne name, Gosnoll's 
Island ; the third, about some sixtene miles in compasse, 
conteyning many peeces and necks of land little differinge 
from severall islands, saving that certaine bancks of small 
breadth, like bridges, seemed to joyne them to this island, 
he called Elizabeth Island. Upon this island they did sow ? 
for a try all, in sondry places, wheate, barley, oats, and 
pease, which in fourteen dayes were sproung up nyne 
inches and more. On the nor-west side of this island, 
neere to the sea-side, they found a standing lake 1 of fresh 
water, almost three English miles in compasse, in the midst 
whereof stood a little pretty plott or grove of wood, an acre 
in quantity, or not much above ; the lake full of tortoises, 
and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowle, which 
bredd, some lowe on the bancks, and others on low trees 
about the lake, in great aboundance, whose younge ones 
theye tooke and eate at their pleasure ; also therein they 
found divers sorts of she! fish, as shallops, mushells, cockles, 
lobsters, crabs, oysters, and wilks ; and the mayne against 
yt had manye meadowes, large, and full of greene grasse, 
even in the most wooddy places, the trees growing so dis- 
tinct and apart, one tree from another, as was passable for 
horse or coach, with a broad harborow, or river's mouth, 
which ran up into yt, most comodious, and promising a 
goodly seat. The people theron (for they will appeare 
forty or fifty at a tyme togither upon the water in severall 
canoas) would come downe and trade for furs of beavers, 
luzernos, marternes, otters, wild catt skyns, seale skyns, 
and other beast' skines to ours unknowne, and which they 

1 He would seem to refer to the lake, or rather lakes, near Middleborough, 
Plymouth County, Massachusetts. * 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 227 

would exchange for knives, babies' beades, and such toyes. 
There were also great store of copper about tj*em, some 
very redd, and some paller cullour. None of them but had 
chaines, earings, and collers of this mettall, as also they 
had large drincking cupps made like skulls, and other thine 
plates of copper, made much like our boarspeare blades ; 
and when our people were desirous to understand where 
they had such store of this mettell, and made signes to 
them concerning the same, they tooke a peece of copper 
in their hands, and made a hole with their fingers in the 
grownd, and, withall, pointed to the higher growndes. 

Within the aforesaid grove, in the midst of the lake men- 
tioned, Capt. Gosnoll did determyne, with eleven more 
besides himself, who promised to tarry with him, to sitt 
downe and fortefye, purposing to send the pynnace home 
into England by Capt. Gilbert, for new and better prep- 
arations, to be returned the next yeare againe ; and for 
the same purpose he built a large howse, and covered yt 
with sedge, which grew about the lake in great aboundance, 
in buylding whereof were three weekes and more spent. 

But after the trading with the Indians, and the bark had 
taken in so many furrs, skyns, some saxafras, and other 
commodities, as were thought convenyent, most of those 
eleven, who before had given their l to stay with 

Capt. Gosnoll, having now possest themselves with a cov- 
etous conceipt of their unlookt for marchandize, that they 
would be very profitable to them at their returne home 
upon the sale thereof at the best hand, making nothing but 
present gayne the end and object of this good work, would 
not nowe, by any meanes, be treated with to tarry behind 
the shipp, casting many doubtes as how if the shipp should 
miscarry going home ; or arriving, not to be supplied ; or 
supplied, miscarry in the returne, and suche like, Captaine 
Gosnoll was faine to yield to the presente necessity, and 
leaving this island with many sorrowful, loth to departe, 
about the mydst of June weyed, with faire wyndes, and 
the mydst of July arrived againe safe in Exmouth in five 
monthes, thus finishing this discovery, and returning with 
giving many comforts, and those right true ones, concern- 
ing the benefitt of a plantation in those parts. 

1 A similar gap in the original. 



228 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 



CAPUT VII. 

Capt. George Weymouth's voyage, upon a right lyne (not seeking the wynde 
in the accustomed height of the West Indies), and falling with Sachadehoc, 
and the discovery of that river. 

Much was comended the diligence and relation of 
Capt. Gosnoll ; howbeit this voyage alone could not satis- 
fye his so intent a spiritt and ambition in so great and 
glorious an enterprise as his lordship, the foresaid Earle of 
Southampton, who laboured to have yt so beginne, as that 
it might be contynued with all due and prepared circum- 
stances and saffety, and therefore would his lordship be 
concurrant the second tyme in a new survey and dispatch 
to be made thither with his brother*in lawe, Tho. Arundel), 
Baron of Warder, who prepared a ship for Capt. Georg 
Weymouth, which set sayle from RatclirT in March, anno 
1605, and which, about the midst of Maye following, fell 
with the land, an island unto the mayne of the coast of 
America, in the height, as he found yt, of about 42, who 
from thence casting yt norward to 44, — what paines he 
tooke in discovering, — may witnes the many convenyent 
places upon the mayne, and isles, and rivers, togither with 
that little one of Pamaquid, and of his search sixty miles 
up the most excellent and beneficyall river of Sachadehoc, 
which he found capable of shippinge for trafique of the 
greatest burden, a benefitt, indeed, alwaies to be accompt- 
ed the richest treasure to any land ; for which we for our 
Severne and Thames, and Fraunce for Loire, Seine, and 
the river of Burdeux, and the Lowe Countries for their 
yn numerable navigable rivers, receave our and their great- 
est wealth. Next he found the land faire, and the whole 
coast bold to fall with, and then, a safe harbour for shipps 
to ride in, which hath besides, without the river, in the 
channell and soundes about the island, adjoyning to the 
mouth thereof, so desired a road, as yt is capable of an 
infinite nomber of shippes. The river, likewise, ytself, 
as yt runneth upp into the mayne for very neere forty 
miles towards the high inland mountaines, he found to 
beare in breadth a myle, sometymes three quarters, and 
half a mile the narrowest; never under four or five fathom 
water hard by the shoare- and six, seven, eight, nine, and 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 229 

ten fathomes all along on both sides ; every half mile very 
gallant coves, some almost able to conteyne one hundred 
| sayle, where the grownde ys soft ouze, with a tu ffe clay 
under, for anchor hold, and where shipps maye lye without 
ij eyther anchor or cable, only moared to the shoare with a 
hauser ; and which floweth eighteen or twenty foot at 
high water, with fit docks apperteyning to graine or carine 
shippes of all burthens, secured from all windes, which is 
so necessarye and incomparable a benefitt, that in few 
places in England, or in any parts of Christendome, art, 
| with great charges, can make the like ; besides, the bor- 
dering land most commodious and fertill, trending all along 
j on both sides in an equall plaine, neither mountaynes nor 
rockye, but virged with a greene border of grasse, sorae- 
jj tymes three or four acres, sometymes eight or ten togither, 
I so making tender unto the eye of the surveyor her fertility 
I and pleasure, and which would be much more if, by clens- 
I ing away her wooddes, shee were converted into goodly 
i meadowe ; and the wodd she beareth is not shrubbish, 
j fitt only for fuell, but goodly oake, birch, tall firre and 
I spruse, which in many places grow not so thick together, 
but may, with small labour, be made feeding grownd, being 
ij plentifully stoared, like the outward islands, with fresh 
I water springs, which streame downe in many places. The 
| woddes here are full of deare, hares, and other beasts, and 
|| reasonably well inhabited by the natives, of mild and good 
U condicions ; many provinces (as about us within the Ches- 
I apeak Bay, and about Roanoack) governed in chief by a 
principall commaunder or prince, w 7 hom they call Bashaba, 
N who hath under him divers petty kings, which they call 
H Sagamoes, the same which the Indians in our more soward- 
fl ]y parts call weroances, all rich in divers kinds of excellent 
ij furrs. 

To take possession of this land and goodly river for his 
| Majestie, Captain Weymouth thought it fitt to make up to 
I the head of the river, which he did well sixty miles in his 
I barge ; and as the streame trended westward into the 
| mayne, and at that height yt beganne to narrowe, so he 
there sett upp a crosse with his Majestie's inscription there- 
I on, observing all the waye, that in noe place, eyther about 
jl the islands, or up in the mayne, or all alongst the river, 
4th s. — vol. i. 29 



230 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

there could be discerned any one token or signe that ever 
any Christian had been there before, of which, eyther by 
cutting wodd, digging for water, or setting up crosses 
(memorialls seldorne omitted) by Christian travellers, they 
might have perceaved some testimony, or mention might 
have been left ; and after this search, Capt. Weymouth 
being well satisfied, with instruction and knowledg, of soe 
commodious a seat, sett sayle for England, and the eigh- 
teenth of July following arrived before Dartmouth. 

Upon his returne, his goodly report joyning with Capt. 
GosnolPs, cawsed the busines with soe prosperous and faire 
Starrs to be accompanied, as it not only encouraged the 
saide Earle (the foresaid Lord Arundell being by [t]his 
tyme chaunged in his intendments this waye, and engaged 
so far to the Archduke, before returne of this ship, that he 
no more thought upon the accion), but likewise called forth 
many firme and harty lovers, and some likewise long af- 
fected thereunto, who by comyng, therefore, humble pe- 
titioners to his Majestie for the advancemeat of the same 
(as for the only enterprize reserved unto his daies that was 
yet left unaccomplisht ; whereas God might be aboundantly 
made knowen ; His name enlarged and honoured ; a nota- 
ble nation made fortunate ; and ourselves famous), yt well 
pleased his Majestie (whoe, in all his practizes and consul- 
tations, hath ever sought God more than himself, and the 
advauncement of His glory, professing deadly enmity — 
noe prince soe much — with ignoraunce and errour), add- 
ing to her Christian praenomen, Virginia, the surname of 
Britannia, to cause his letters to be made patents the tenth 
of Aprill, 1606, in the fourth yeare of his Majestie's raigne 
of England, and thirty-ninth of Scotland, for two colonyes ; 
the one consisting of divers knights, gentlemen, marchants, 
and others of the citty of London, called the first colony; 1 
and the other of sondry knights, gentlemen, and others of 
the citty of Bristoll, Exeter, and the towne of Plymouth, 
and other places, called the second colonye. 2 

This last, since yt had his end so untymely, by the death 
of the upright and noble gentleman late Lord Chief Justice 
of England, chief patron of the same, Sir John Popham, 

1 Otherwise called the London Company. 

2 Otherwi.se called the Plymouth Company. 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 231 

knight ; and since the order and methode of a full history 
doth clay me of me the remembrance of the most material! 
poincts at least, as well of this late northern colony as of 
the first planted more to the south, I have not thought yt 
amisse to epithomize a fewe things (and which have not 
yet by any one bene published, or written of) of the same ; 
by which, likewise (as I maye the better descend into the 
occurraunces of our owne), maie be the clierer confirmed 
the story of all three — the one by the other — where the 
congruity (meaninge the commodityes of the country, na- 
ture of the soyle, and qualities of the people) betweene all 
three is so full and answerable. 



CAPUT VIII. 



A colonie sent out to settle, within the river of Sachadehoc, by the Honourable 
Sir John Popham, Knight, Lord Chief Justice of England, under the govern- 
ment of Capt. Popham and Capt. Gilbert ; of the Spaniards surprising of a 
ship of Bristoll, sent for the use of the colonie. 

At what tyme the adventurers of the first colonye, anno 
1606, had prepared all things fitt, with a fleet of three saile, 
for Capt. Christopher Newport to transport a colony of one 
hundred, to begynne the plantation within the Chesapeak 
Bay, the foresaid Sir John Popham likewise prepared a 
tall ship well furnished, belonging to Bristoll and the river 
of Severne, with many planters, which sett out from Ply- 
mouth about Maye ,* Haines maister, to settle a 
plantacion in the river of Sachadehoc, which, making his 
course for the islands of Flores and Cornez,' 2 one morning, 
about the islande of Gratiosa, the Spanish fleet comynge 
from Mexico, had sight of yt, gave yt chase, and soone 
tooke yt ; and understanding by examinacion whither she 
was outward bound, and for what purpose, they tooke the 
captaine, whose name was Marty n Pryn, out of her, to- 
gither with the maister and most of the passengers, dis- 
persing them into divers shipps of their owne, and soe 
held their course, carrying ours along with them for Spaine ; 
howbeyt one of the fleete, wherein three or four of the 

1 A similar gap in the original. 2 v. e. Corvo. 



232 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

English were togither, by the steerage of the English, who 
tooke their turnes at the helme, and not being observed, 
altered their course, or whither by contrary wynds com- 
pelled, true yt is upon observacion, the Spanish pilott not 
knowing where he was, unlooked for fell upon the coast 
of Fraunce, within the river of Burdeux, where they w 7 ould 
have concealed the English, and stowed them therefore 
under hatches, had they not happely bene perceaved by 
some of the French, which came abourd and obteyned them 
of the Spaniard, and carried them ashore, at what tyme one 
of them, Daniell Tucker, gent., made complaint unto the 
officers of the place of this wronge orTred unto them, and, 
in his Majestie's name, caused this shipp to be staied and 
arrested untill the court in Paris might determyn of the 
same ; but the Spaniard had too golden an advocate, a 
West Indian purse comynge newly from thence, and there- 
fore, after some litle attendaunce, easily freed himself from 
the incumbraunce and made for Spaine, with malice inough 
to entreat the other captived English, whome they had dis- 
persed and made slaves in their gallions. 

Howbeyt, the aforesaid late Lord Chief Justice would 
not, for all this hard hansell and Spanish mischief, give over 
his determinacion for planting of a colony within the afore- 
said so goodly a country, upon the river of Sachadehoc ; 
but against the next yeare prepared a greater number of 
planters, and better provisions, which in two shipps he sent 
thither; a fly boat, called the Gift of God, wherein a kins- 
man of his, George Popham, commaunded; and a good 
ship, called the Mary and John, of London, wherein Raleigh 
Gilbert commaunded ; which, with one hundred and twenty 
persons for planters, brake ground from Plymouth in June, 
1607, which the twenty-fifth fell with Gratiosa, and the 
twenty-eighth tooke in wood and water at Flores and Cor- 
nez, from whence they allways kept their course to the 
westward as much as wynd and weather would permitt ; in 
which course to the west, and west nor-west, as the wynd 
would give leave, they ran twoo hundred leagues from Flo- 
res, and in the latitude of 42 degrees they found the com- 
passe to be varied one whole pointe. 

From whence they stood still to the westward untill the 
twenty-seventh of July, being then in the latitude of A3 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 233 

and two thirds, where they threw out the dipsing lead, and 
had grownd, but twenty fathome and twenty-two fathome, 
upon a banck, and here they fisht some three howers, and 
tooke neere two hundred of cod, very great fish, and where 
they might have laden their ship in lyttle tyme. 

From hence they stood in for the mayne, the wynd 
being at so-west, and as they ran in for the land, they al- 
waies sounded from this banck, and having run some twelve 
leagues from the banck nor-west, they sounded, and had 
sixty fathome ouze, ground black. The wynd now grow- 
ing scant, they were constreyned to stand for the so-ward, 
and made south so-west way, and sounded againe the next 
daye, being the twenty-eighth of July, and had thirty fath- 
ome ; small stones and white shells, fishing grownd. 

29. They made a west waie untill noone, and then 
sounded ; had one hundred and sixty fathome black ouze. 

30. About * of the clock in the morning, they 
had sight of the land, and yt bore of them nor-west. They 
sounded, being ten leagues from the shoar, and had one 
hundred fathomes black ouze. They made towards the 
shoare, but could not recover yt before the night tooke 
them ; for w T hich they w 7 ere constrayned to beare of a litle 
from the land, and lye a hull all that night, where they 
found aboundance of fish very large and great, and the 
water deepe hard abourd the shoare, eighteen or twenty 
fathome. 

31. Standing in for the shoare in the afternoone, they 
came to an anchor under an island, for all this coast is full 
of islands, but very sound and good for shipping to passe by 
them, and the water deepe hard abourd them ; they had not 
bene at anchor two howers, when there came a Spanishe 
shallop to them from the shoare, in her eight salvadg men 
and a little salvadg boy, whoe at the first rowed about them 
and would not come abourd, notwithstanding they proffered 
them bread, knives, beades, and other small trifles ; but 
having gazed awhile upon the ship they made shewe to de- 
parte ; howbeyt when they were a little from them, they 
returned againe and boldly came up into the shipp, and 
three of them stayed all night abourd, the rest departed 

1 A similar gap in the original. 



234 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

and went to the shoare, shewing by signes that they would 
returne the next daye. 

The first of August, the same salvadges returned with 
three women with them in another biskey shallop, bringing 
with them many beaver skyns to exchaunge for knyves and 
beades ; the saganio of that place they told them Messamot, 
seated upon a river not farr off, which they called Emanuell. 
The salvadges departing, they hoisted out theire bote ; and 
the pilott, Captain R. Davies, with twelve others, rowed 
into the bay wherein their ship road, and landed on a gal- 
land island, where they found gooseberries, strawberries, 
raspices, hurts,* and all the island full of hugh high trees of 
divers sorts : after they had delighted themselves there a 
while, they returned abourd againe and observed the place 
to stand in 44 degrees one-third. 1 

2. About midnight, the moone shining bright and the 
wynd being fayre, at nor-east they departed from this place, 
setting their course so-west, for soe the coast lieth. 

3. Early in the morning they were faire by the shoar, 
a league from yt, and saw many islands of great bignes 
and many great sownds going betwixt them, but made 
proofe of none of them, but found great stoare of fish all 
along the coast. 

4. They were thwart of the cape or headland, which 
stands in 43 degrees, 2 the shipp being in 42 degrees 50 

* [Whortleberries,— the word still retained in heraldry. — Eds.] 

1 The latitude here given would lead to the supposition that the island referred to 
was Mount Desert Island, in Frenchman's Bay ; but nearly all other histories record 
Manhegin Island as the point at which they first landed. 

2 In order to verify and. define, in modern nomenclature, the description of the 
course held by the adventurers, as given in this and the following three pages, a very 
elaborate and beautiful manuscript map of this coast, in the British Museum, on a 
scale of two miles to an inch, has been consulted. The examination leads unequivo- 
cally to the inference, that the. observation of the latitude, as here quoted, is incor- 
rect by rather more than half a degree. The conclusion which, from a careful study 
of the map, the editor has adopted as most consistent with all the details here de- 
scribed, is, that the headland referred to is Cape Small Point, and that the three 
islands are Damiscove Island, Wood Island, and Outward Heron Island, with the 
Pumpkin Island ledges lying (as described) southward of the easternmost of the 
three. The two latter of the three islands lie agreeably with the description, east 
and west of each other, but Damiscove Island is to the southland of Wood Island. 
If no allowance be made for this discrepancy, it appears impossible to find any other 
trio of islands so nearly approaching the description, either as to their bearing with 
reference to each other and to the headland, or their distance respectively from 
Penobscot and the St. George's Islands. The inference that the headland is Cape 
Small Point is based on the fact, that no more southerly cape would offer a great 
number of islands between itself and the ship while lying southward of such cape ; 
and if we assume it to be more northerly, we wander still further from the lati- 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia, 235 

minutes; betwixt the place they were now at and the said 
cape or headland, yt is all full of islands and deepe sounds 
for any shipping to goe in by them, and where is exceed- 
ing good fishing for cod, great and small, bigger then what 
comes from the banck of the Newfoundland. This cape is 
lowland, shewing white like sand, but yt is all whit rocks, 
and a strong tyde goeth there. They ran within half a 
league of the cape, and from thence the land fell awaye 
and falls in from this headland, nor-west and by nore, and 
nor-west. They keept their course from this headland and 
came to three islands, where they found a ledge of rocks 
to the so-ward, which made them hale off from them, and 
the wynd being at nor-est, they passed them, keeping their 
coast still west and by south, and west so-west, untill twelve 
of the clock at night, and made from this headland, in all 
thirty leagues. 

5. They made a west nor-west w 7 ay, from four of the 
clock in the morning untill three of the clock in the after- 
noone, and made fifteen leagues, and then they saw the 
land againe ; for from the cape before named, they saw noe 
more land but those three islands untill now, in which tyme 
they ran forty-five leagues, and the land bore of them, when 
they saw yt firste, nor-west and by north, and yt shew r ed 
yt self in this forme. 



■ 



Nine leagues or more from yt, there be three high moun- 
taynes that lie in on the land, the land called Segohquet, 
neere about the river of Penobscot. 1 They stood towards 
this high land untill twelve of the clock noone the next 
daye, and they found the ship to be by observation in 43. 

tude quoted by our author, and with still less correspondence with the description in 
olher minor points; this would be the case, for example, if we were to adopt the 
supposition, which the examination has sometimes suggested, that the Matinicus 
Islands and Moose Point were referred to. 

1 The mountains of Penobscot stand in three clumps, each of which would prob- 
ably have the appearance at a distance of a single mountain. 




236 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia, 



6. From twelve of the clock noon they kept their course 
due west and came neere unto the three islands, lying low 
and flatt by the water, shewing white to the water as if it 
were sand ; but yt is white rock, making shew afar off 
almost like Dover Cliffes. There lyeth so-west from the 
easter-most of the three islands a white rockye island, and 
those other three islands lye one of the other east and west ; 
soe they stood their course west fast by them, and' as they 
stood to the westward, the high land before spoken made 
shewe of this forme, bearing of them then nore-nor-west. 





From hence they kept still their course west and by nore 
towards three other islands, which they saw lying from 
those islands eight leagues ; and about ten of the clock at 
night, having sent in their boat before night to make yt, 
they bore in for one of them, the which they afterwards 
named St. George his Island ; they sounded all along as 
they came in, and found very deepe water, hard about yt 
forty fathome. In the morning they were envyrouned every 
way with islands, they told upward of thirty islands from 
abourd their shipp, very good sayling out betweene them. 

7. They weyed anchor, therby to ride in more saffety 
howsoever the wind should happen to blow; how be yt 
before they put from the island they found a crosse set up, 
one of the same which Captain George Weyman, in his 
discovery, for all after occasions, left upon this island. Hav- 
ing sayled to the westward, they brought the high land be- 
fore spoken of to be north, and then it shewed thus, — 




About midnight, Captain Gilbert caused his shipp's boat 
to be mannde with fourteen persons and the Indian Skid- 
wares, (brought into England by Captain Wayman) and 
rowed to the westward from their shipp, to the river of 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 237 

Pamaquid, which they found to be four leagues distant from 
the shipp, where she road. The Indian brought them to 
the salvadges' houses, where they found a hundred men, 
women, and childrene ; and theire chief commander, or 
sagamo, amongst them, named Nahanada, who had been 
brought likewise into England by Captain Wayman, and 
returned thither by Captain Hanam, setting forth for those 
parts and some part of Canada the year before ; at their 
first comyng the Indians betooke them to their armes, their 
bowes and arrowes ; but after Nahanada had talked with 
Skidwares and perceaved that they were English men, he 
caused them to lay aside their bowes and arrowes, and he 
himself came unto them and ymbraced them, and made 
them much welcome, and entertayned them with much 
chierfulnesss, and did they likewise him ; and after two 
howers thus enterchangeably spent, they returned abourd 



CAPUT IX. 

Of some accidents happening in the firste setlement of this northerne colonic 

9. Sonday, the chief of both the shipps, with the great- 
est part of all the company, landed on the island where the 
crosse stood, the which they called St. George's Island, and 
heard a sermon delivered unto them by Mr. Seymour, his 
preacher, arid soe returned abourd againe. 

10. Captain Popham manned his shallop, and Captain 
Gilbert his ship boat, with fifty persons in both, and de- 
parted for the river of Pemaquid, carrieng with them Skid- 
wares, and arrived in the mouthe of the river ; there came 
forth Nahanada, with all his company of Indians with their 
bowes and arrowes in their handes. They being before his 
dwelling-house, would not willingly have all our people 
come on shoare, using them in all kind sort after their 
manner ; neverthelesse, after one hower, they all suddenly 
withdrew themselves into the woodes, nor was Skidwares 
desirous to returne with them any more abourd. Our peo- 
ple loth to proffer any vyolence unto him by drawing him 
by force, suffered him to stay behind, promising to returne 

4th s. — vol. i. 30 



238 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

to them the next day following, but he did not. After his 
departure they imbarked themselves, and rowed to the 
further side of the river and there remayned on the shoare 
for that night. 

11. They returned to their shipps towards the evening, 
where they still road under St. George's Island. 1 

12. They weyed anchors and sett saile to goe for the 
river of Sachadehoc ; they had little wynd and kept their 
course west. 

13. They were south of the island of Sutquin, 2 a league 
from yt, and yt riseth in this form hereunder ; but they 
did not take yt to be Sutquin. 




Sutquin, being sowth of it. The high mountains being north from you rise thus. 

Soe the weather being very faire, they sought the islande 
further to the westward ; 3 but at length fynding that they 
had overshott yt, they bore up helme, but were soon be- 
calmed ; by which means they were constreyned to re- 
may ne at sea, when about midnight there arose a mighty 
storme upon them, which put them in great danger, by 
reason they were so neere the shoare and could not gett off, 
the wynd air the while at south, and yt blew very stiffe, 
soe as they were compelled to turne yt to and agayne, hard 
abourd the lee shoare, many rocks and islands under their 
lee hard by them ; but, God be thancked, they escaped 
untill yt was daye, the storme still contynuyng untill noone 
the next daye. 

14. Soe soone as the daye gave light, they perceaved 
that they were hard abourd the shore, in the bay that they 
were in the daie before, which made them look out for 
some place to thrust in the shipp to save their lives ; for 
towing the long boat, yt laye suncke at the sterne two 

1 Captain John Smith makes them to fall in with Manhegin Island on the 11th 
of August. 

2 Seguin Island. :i Damiscove Island ? 



Hislorie of Travaile into Virginia. 239 

howers and more, yett would they not cutt her off, lyving 
in hope to save her ; so bearing up helme, they stood in 
right with the shoare, when anon they perceaved two little 
islands, to which they made, and there they found (God be 
thancked) good anchoring, where they road untill the 
storme broak, which was the next daie after. Here they 
freed their boat, and had her ashore to repaire her, being 
much torne and spoiled. These islands are too leagues to 
the westward of Sachadehoc. Upon one of them they 
went on shoare, and found four salvadges and one woman. 
The islands all rockye and full of pine trees. 

15. The storme ended, and the wynd came faire for 
them to goe for Sachadehoc, the river whether they were 
bound to and enjoyned to make their plantacion in ; soe 
they weyed anchor and sett sayle, and came to the east- 
ward and found the island of Sutquin, and anchored under 
yt, for the wynd was of the shoare, by which they could 
not gett into Sachadehoc ; yet. Capt. Popham, with the 
fly-boat, gott in. 

16. In the morning, Capt. Popham sent his shallop to 
helpe in the Mary and John, which weyed anchor, and 
being calme, was soone towed in and anchored by the 
Guift's syde. 1 

17. Capt. Popham, in his pynnace, with thirty persons, 
and Capt. Gilbert in his long boat, With eighteen persons 
more, went early in the morning from their shipp into the 
river Sachadehoc, to view the river, and to search where 
they might find a fitt place for their plantation. They 
sayled up into the river neere forty leagues, and found yt 
to be a very gallant river, very deepe, and seldome lesse 
water than three fathome, when they found sest ; 2 where- 
upon they proceeded no farther, but in their returne home- 
wards they observed many goodly islands therein, and many 
braunches of other small rivers falling into yt. 

18. They all went ashore, and there made choise of a 
place for their plantacion, 3 at the mouth or entry of the 

1 This ship, it will be remembered, was called the " Gift of God." 

2 Query, rest, — as in our old word " zest," an afternoon's nap ; as, " to go to 
one's zest," — from " siesta." — Port. 

3 Belknap, in his " American Biography," says that ihey landed on a peninsula ; 
but in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society it is called Parker's 
Island, which, according to the MS. map already alluded to, is formed by the waters 



240 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

rjver on the west side (for the river bendeth yt self towards 
the nor-east, and by east), being almost an island, of a 
good bignes, being in a province called bj the Indians 
Sabino, so called of a sagamo or chief commaunder under 
the graund bassaba. As they were ashoare, three canoas 
fall of Indians came to them, but would not come neere, 
but rowed away up the river. 

19. They all went ashoare where they had made choise 
of their plantation and where they had a sermon delivered 
unto them by their preacher ; and after the sermon, the 
president's commission was read, with the lawes to be ob- 
served and kept. George Popham, gent., was nominated 
president ; Captain Raleigh Gilbert, James Davies, Richard 
Seymer, preacher, Captain Richard Davies, Captain Har- 
low, the same who brought away the salvadges at this 
tyme shewed in London, from the river of Canada, were 
all sworne assistants ; and soe they returned back againe. 

20. All went to shoare again, and there began to en- 
trench and make a fort, and to buyld a storehouse, soe 
contynewing the 21st, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th. 

28. Whilst most of the hands laboured hard about the 
fort and the carpenters about the buylding of a small pin- 
nace, the president overseeing and applying every one to 
his worke, Captain Gilbert departed in the shallop upon a 
discovery to the westward, and sayled all the daye by many 
gallant islands. The wynd at night comyng contrary, they 
came to anchor that night under a headland, by the In- 

of the Kennebec on the west, Jeremysquam Bay on the east, the sea on the south, 
and a small strait dividing it from Arrowsick Island on the north. It is called Par- 
ker's Island because it was purchased of the natives, in 1650, by one John Parker, 
who was the first occupant after the year 1608, when this colony was broken up. 

[Strachey says, " They all went ashore, and there made choise of a place for their 

plantacion, at the mouth or entry of the ryver on the west side, being almost 

an island." If he had changed the last three words of the foregoing into the term 
■peninsula, which exactly expresses the idea, there could have been no pretence that 
the colonists landed on an island. In fact, no writer but the late Governor James 
Sullivan, who wrote the paper in the Massachusetts Historical Collections referred 
to by the English editor, has advanced the idea that an island was the first landing- 
place of the colony. — W. S. B.] 

[In 1807, at the completion of two centuries from the landing described above, a 
party of gentlemen from Bath visited the mouth of Kennebec River, and examined 
the supposed place where these colonists attempted to form their settlement. To 
the spot that bore evidence of the best claim to this distinction, and which is on a 
"peninsula," they gave the name of Point Popham, which it retains. There are, 
besides, abundant evidences of settlements, anciently, on the southern extremity of 
Parker's Island, as well as at Stage Island, from which the inhabitants were driven 
by the natives about 1680. — Eds ] 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 241 

dians called Semiamis ; l the land exceeding good and fer- 
tile, as appeared by the trees growing thereon being goodly 
and great, most oake and walnutt, with spatious passages 
betweene, and noe rubbish under, and a place most fitt to 
fortifye on, being by nature fortifyed on two sides with a 
spring of water under yt. 

29. They departed from this headland Semiamis, in the 
heigh of 43| degrees, and rowed along the shoar to the 
westward, for that the wynd was against them, and which 
blewe so hard that they reached no farther than an island 
two leagues off, where, whilst they anchored, two canoas 
passed by them but would not come neere them. 

30. They returned homewards before the wynd, saylin^ 
by many goodly and gallant islands ; for betwixt the said 
headland and Semiamis, and the river of Sachadehoc, is a 
very great bay ; 2 in the which there lyeth soe many islands 
and so thicke and neere togither, that can hardly be dis- 
cerned the nomber, yet may any shipp passe betwixt, the 
greatest parte of them having seldome lesse water than 
ei^ht or ten fathome about them. These islands are all 
overgrowne with woods, as oak, walnutt, pine, spruse trees, 
hasell nutts, sarsaparilla, and hurts in abundaunce, only they 
found no saxafras at all in the country, and this night they 
arrived at the fort againe. 

31. And 1st of September, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th, nothing 
was done, but only for the furtheraunce and buyldinge of 
the fort and storehouse to receave ashore their victualls. 

5. Abo#t noone, there came into the entraunce of the 
river of Sachadehoc and soe unto the fort, as our people 
were at their worke, nine canoes with forty salvadges in 
them, men, women, and children, and amongst them was 
Nahanada and Skidwares. They came up into the fort, 
and the president gave them meat and drinek, and used 
them exceeding kindly. Two or three howers they re- 
mayned there and then they parted, Skidwares and an 
other salvadge staying still, with whome at night Captain 
Gilbert, James Davies, and Ellis Beast, went over to the 
farthest side of the river, whether all the rest had with- 

1 Cape Elizabeth. 

2 Casco Bay, which is said to contain as many islands as there are days in the 
year. 



242 Historie of Travaile into Virginia, 

drawen themselves, and there remayned with them all the 
night ; and early in the morninge, the salvadges departed 
in their canoas for the river of Pamaquid, promising Cap- 
tain Gilbert to accompany him in their canoas to the river 
of Penobscott, where the bassaba dwells. 

6. And 7th, the busines of the fort only attended. 

8. Captain Gilbert, with twenty-two others, departed in 
the shallop for the river of Penobscot, taking with him 
divers sorts of marchandize to trade with the bassaba ; but 
by reason the wynd held easterly, being contrary, yt was 
three daies before he gott into the river of Penobscot. 

11. Early in the morning they came into the river of 
Pamaquid, there to call Nahanada and Skidwares to goe 
along with them ; but, being arrived there, they found that 
they were all gone from thence unto the river of Penobscot 
before, wherefore, they sett sayle for that river ; and all 
that day, as likewise the 12th and 13th, they sayled and 
searched to the eastward, yet by noe meanes could find 
the river, for which they returned, their victuals spent, and 
the wynd large and good, and in too dayes arrived againe 
at the fort, having had a sight, the 15th in the morning, of 
a biasing starr in the nor-east of them. 

The 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, all labored 
about the fort and buylding up of the storehouse. 



CAPUT X. 



The death of Capt. Poprfarn ; Capt. Gilbert disposeth of himself for England 
when the companie woud then stay no longer, albeit Capt. Davies returned 
unto them with a great supply from England. 

23. Captain Gilbert, accompanied with nineteen others, 
departed in his shallop, to goe for the head of the river of 
Sachadehoc. They sayled all this daye, and the 24th the 
like, untill six of the clock in the afternoone, when they 
landed on the river's side, where they found a champion 
land and very fertile, where they remayned all that night. 

25. In the morning, they departed from thence and 
sayled up the river and came to a flatt low island where 
ys a great cataract or downfall of water, which runneth by 



Historie of Travaile into Virginia, 2i3 

both sides of this island very shold and swift. 1 In this 
island they found great store of grapes, both redd and white ; 
good hopps, as also chiballs and garlike ; they haled their 
boat with a strong rope through this downfall perforee, and 
went neere a league further up, and here they lay all night ; 
and in the first of the night there called certaine salvages 
on the further side of the river unto them in broken Eng- 
lish ; they answeared them againe and parted long with 
them, when towards morning they departed. 

26. In the morning there came a canoa unto them, and 
in her a Sagamo and four salvages, some of those which 
spoke to them the night before. The Sagamo called his 
name Sebenoa, and told us how he was lord of the river 
Sachadehoc. They entertayned him friendly, and tooke 
him into their boat and presented him with some triffling 
things, which he accepted ; howbeyt, he desired some one 
of our men to be put into his canoa as a pawne of his 
safety, whereupon Captain Gilbert sent in a man of his, 
when presently the canoa rowed away from them with all 
the speed they could make up the river. They followed 
with the shallop, having great care that the Sagamo should 
not leape overbourd. The canoa quickly rowed from them 
and landed, and the men made to their howses, being neere 
a league on the land from the river's side, and carried our 
man with them. The shallop making good waye, at length 
came to another downefall, which was so shallowe and soe 
swift, that by noe meanes they could passe any further, for 
which, Captain Gilbert, with nine others, landed and tooke 
their fare, the salvadge Sagamo, with them, and went in 
search after those other salvages, whose howses, the Sagamo 
told Captain Gilbert, were not farr off; and after a good 
tedious march, they came indeed at length unto those sal- 
vages' howses, wheere found neere fifty able men very 
strong and tall, such as their like before they had not 
seene ; all newly painted and armed with their bowes and 
arrowes. Howbeyt, after that the Sagamo had talked with 
them, they delivered back again the man, and used all 



1 Query, Swan Island, a few miles up the river; the fall of water round which 
may be more properly called a downfall of water than a cataract. The first great 
fall of water from the mouth of the river is that at Waterville : but there is no island 
at that spot laid down in the best modern maps. 



244 Historic of Travaile into Virginia. 

the rest very friendly, as did ours the like by them, who 
shewed them their comodities of beads, knives, and some 
copper, of which they seemed very fond ; and by waye of 
trade, made shew that they would come downe to the boat 
and there bring such things as they had to exchange them 
for ours. Soe Captain Gilbert departed from them, and 
within half an howre after he had gotten to his boat, there 
came three canoas down unto them, and in them some six- 
teen salvages, and brought with them some tobacco and 
certayne small skynes, which were of no value ; which 
Captain Gilbert perceaving, and that they had nothing ells 
wherewith to trade, he caused all his men to come abourd, 
and as he would have putt from the shore ; the salvadges 
perceiving so much, subtilely devised how they might put 
out the fier in the shallop, by which meanes they sawe they 
should be free from the danger of our men's pieces, and to 
performe the same, one of the salvadges came into the 
shallop and taking the fier brand which one of our com- 
pany held in his hand thereby to light the matches, as if 
he would light a pipe of tobacco, as sone as he had gotten 
yt into his hand he presently threw it into the water and 
leapt out of the shallop. Captain Gilbert seeing that, sud- 
denly commanded his men to betake them to their mus- 
ketts and the targettiers too, from the head of the boat, and 
bad one of the men before, with his targett on his arme, to 
stepp on the shore for more fier; the salvages resisted him 
and would ' not suffer him to take any, and some others 
holding fast the boat roap that the shallop couW not putt 
off. Captain Gilbert caused the musquettiers to present 
their peeces, the which, the salvages seeing, presently lett 
goe the boatroap and betooke them to their bowes and 
arrowes, and ran into the bushes, nocking their arrowes, 
but did not shoot, neither did ours at them. So the shal- 
lop departed from them to the further side of the river, 
where one of the canoas came unto them, and would have 
excused the fault of the others. Captain Gilbert made 
shew as if he were still friends, and entertayned them 
kindlye and soe left them, returning to the place where he 
had lodged the night before, and there came to an anchor 
for that night. The head of the river standeth in 45 de- 
grees and odd mynutts. Upon the continent they found 



Historic of Travaile into Virginia. 245 

aboundance of spruse trees such as are able to maast the 
greatest ship his majestie hath, and many other trees, oke, 
walnutt, pineaple ; fish, aboundance ; great store of grapes, 
hopps, and chiballs, also thej found certaine codds in which 
they supposed the cotton wooll to grow, and also upon the 
bancks many shells of pearle. 

27. Here they sett up a crosse and then returned home- 
ward, in the way seeking the by river of some note called 
Sasanoa. This daye and the next they sought yt, when the 
weather turned fowle and full of fog and raine, they made 
all hast to the fort before which, the 29th, they arrived. 

30. and 1 and 2 of October, all busye about the fort. 

3. There came a canoa unto some of the people of the 
fort as they were fishing on the sand, in which was Skid- 
wares, who badd them tell their president that Nahanada, 
with the Bashabaes brother and others, were on the further 
side of the river, and the next daie would come and visitt 
him. 

4. There came two canoas to the fort, in which were 
Nahanada and his wife, and Skidwares, and the Bassha- 
baes brother, and one other called Amenquin, a Sagamo ; 
all whome the president feasted and entertayned with all 
kindnes, both that day and the next, which being Sondaye, 
the president carried them with him to the place of pub- 
like prayers, which they were at both morning and even- 
ing, attending yt with great reverence and silence. 

6. The salvadges departed all except Amenquin the 
Sagamo, who w r ould needes staye amongst our people a 
longer tyme. Upon the departure of the others, the presi- 
dent gave unto every one of them copper beades, or knives, 
which contented them not a little, as also delivered a pres- 
ent unto the Basshabae's brother, and another for his wife, 
giving him to understand that he would come unto his court 
in the river of Penobscot, and see him very shortly, bring- 
ing many such like of his country commodityes with him. 

You maie please to understand how, whilst this busines 
was thus followed here, soone after their first arrivall, that 
had dispatch't away Capt. Robert Davies, in the Mary and 
John, to advertise of their safe arrival and forwardnes of 
their plantacion within this river of Sachadehoc, with let- 
ters to the Lord Chief Justice, ymportuninge a supply for 

4th s. — vol. i. 31 



246 Historie of Travaile into Virginia. 

the most necessary wants to the subsisting of a colony, to 
be sent unto them betymes the next yeare. 

After Capt. Davies' departure they fully finished the fort, 
trencht and fortefied yt with twelve pieces of ordinaunce, 
and built fifty howses therein, besides a church and a store- 
howse ; and the carpenters framed a pretty Pynnace of 
about some thirty tonne, which they called the Virginia ; 
the chief ship wright being one Digby of London. 

Many discoveries likewise had been made both to the 
mayne and unto the neighbour rivers, and the frontier na- 
tions fully discovered by the diligence of Capt. Gilbert, had 
not the wynter proved soe extreame unseasonable and 
frosty; for yt being in the yeare 1607, when the extraordi- 
nary frost was felt in most parts of Europe, yt was here like- 
wise as vehement, by which noe boat could stir upon any 
busines. Howbeyt, as tyme and occasyon gave leave, there 
was nothing omitted which could add unto the benefitt or 
knowledg of the planters, for which when Capt. Davies 
arrived there in the yeare following (sett out from Topsam, 
the port towne of Exciter, with a shipp laden full of victu- 
alls, armes, instruments, and tooles, etc.), albeyt, he found 
Mr. George Popham, the president, and some other dead, 
yet he found all things in good forwardnes, and many 
kinds of furrs obteyned from the Indians by way of trade ; 
good store of sarsaparilla gathered, and the new pynnace 
all finished. But by reason that Capt. Gilbert received 
letters that his brother was newly dead, and a faire portion 
of land fallen unto his share, which required his repaier 
home, and noe mynes discovered, nor hope thereof, being 
the mayne intended benefit expected to uphold the charge 
of this plantacion, and the feare that cill other wynters 
would prove like the first, the company by no means would 
stay any longer in the country, especyally Capt. Gilbert 
being to leave them, and Mr. Popham, as aforesaid, dead ; 
wherefore they all ymbarqued in this new arrived shipp, 
and in the new pynnace, the Virginia, and sett saile for 
England. And this was the end of that northerne colony 
uppon the river Sachadehoc. 



FINIS. 



EXTRACT FROM THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF 
SIR SYMONDS D'EWES. 



[The following interesting testimony is extracted from a recent publi- 
cation in England, the biographical part of which, and indeed " the Cor- 
respondence," had remained in manuscript until 1845, when they were 
given to the public in two octavo volumes, by J. O. Halliwell, Esquire, 
favorably known by other works of antiquarian lore. A copy is pos- 
sessed by one of the editors of this volume. The great value, and, in the 
present case, rarity, of contemporary evidence induces the publication of 
this testimonial. The author, paternally descended of Dutch ancestry, 
and by his mother, an heiress, of the old English family of Symonds, 
was born in 1602, and died in 1650. He was respectably allied, possessed 
an ample fortune, filled different public offices, and gave much of his 
time to the study of English antiquities ; designing to write an elaborate 
and well-authenticated History of England, and occupying twenty years, 
as is said, in laborious and successful preparation for the task. But the 
history was never published. After his death appeared his " Journals of 
all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth," dedicated to 
his son and heir, Sir Willoughby D'Ewes, Bart. Sir Symonds, though 
he accepted a baronetcy from Charles I. in 1641, was yet in sentiment 
and life a thorough "Puritan." Hence in the civil wars he joined the 
Parliament, and, as appears from his biography, at one time anticipated 
coming to New England. His wife was of the ancient family of Clop- 
ton, of Suffolk, and a distant relative of the second wife of the first Gov- 
ernor Winthrop. Our extract is made from the second volume of his 
"Life and Correspondence," pp. 115- 119. -^- Eds.] 



[1638.] 

" I shall here take an occasion to speak a little of 
New England and the plantation of our countrymen there. 
It is the eastern coast of the north part of America, upon 
the south-west adjoining to Virginia, and part of that con- 
tinent, large and capable of innumerable people. It is in 
the same height with the north of Spain, and south part of 
France, and the temperature not much unlike, as pleasant 
and fertile as either, if managed by industrious hands. It 



248 Autobiography of Sir Symonds D'Eives. 

was at first discovered by our nation, by the mere provi- 
dence of God ; for a ship, in the year 1620, being bound 
with some English for Virginia, and being cut short for 
want of wind, by the hardness of the winter, were forced 
for shelter to put in there, without any thought or imagi- 
nation of settling a plantation there. They or some of 
them at their return discovered so much of the country, as 
some western merchants, and afterwards some Londoners, 
sent over some small colonies to settle and inhabit there. 
Yet these chiefly then aimed at trade and gain, till about 
the year 1630, in the spring, when John Winthrop, Esq., a 
Suffolk man, and many other godly and well disposed 
Christians, with the main of their estates, and many of 
them with their entire families, to avoid the burthens and 
snares which were here laid upon their consciences, de- 
parted thither ; where they, having in the first place taken 
care for the honor and service of God, and next for their 
own safety and subsistence, have, beyond the hopes of their 
friends, and to the astonishment of their enemies, raised 
such forts, built so many towns, brought into culture so 
much ground, and so dispersed and enriched themselves, as 
all men may see, whom malice blindeth not nor impiety 
transverseth, that the very finger of God hath hitherto gone 
with them and guided them.* 

" I cannot deny but that I think they go a little too far 
on the right hand, and might some of them be too scrupu- 
lous when they lived here, and that there are crept in 
amongst them some that hold strange and dangerous opin- 
ions. But this I am confident, they do most of them, in 
the main, aim simply at God's glory, and to reduce the 
public service of God to that power and purity which it 
enjoyed in the primitive times. Vices and sins are so se- 
verely punished amongst them, and the godly so counte- 
nanced and advanced, as in that respect it seems to be a 
true type of heaven itself; whereas, in other parts of the 



* [On a preceding page (112) the author had remarked, " I could not but wonder 
withal at God's providence, that this year (1634), especially in the spring-time, put 
into the hearts of so many godly persons, as well women as men, to hazard them- 
selves, their children, and estates, to go into New England in America, at least three 
thousand miles from this kingdom by sea, there to plant, in respect of the doctrinal 
part, one of the most absolutely holy, orthodox, and well-governed churches in 
Christendom, or in that other world." — Eds.] 



Autobiography of Sir Symonds D^Ewes. 249 

world where the Protestant religion is in show professed, 
the most honest and pious men are for the most part ma- 
ligned, scoffed at, and disgraced. 

" Great is the honor, also, the King hath acquired by 
this extent of his name and empire into America itself. 
And jet such is the devilish and unparalleled malice of 
some against them, as they would neither suffer them to 
live quietly here, nor yet to enjoy a voluntary exilement 
abroad ; but, exceeding the malice of the Papists themselves, 
discover plainly that nothing but the blood and destruction 
of these innocent men and women can satisfy them. For 
from the year 1630, to this present year, 1638, when in 
the spring-time divers thousands have each year prepared 
themselves for their passage into New England, sold their 
estates, shipped their goods, and were even ready to put to 
sea, such secret ways and means have been used, as they 
have been stayed for a time, and often been in danger of 
being prevented of their journey, to their utter undoing ; 
but God that protecteth his, has still by one means or other 
disappointed the malicious and merciless plots and designs 
of their enemies, and opened them a seasonable liberty of 
departure, and a safe passage thither. Nay, great bene- 
factors are their enemies unto them, in urging their eccle- 
siastical censures against tender consciences more than 
ever ; for by this they have driven many thousands over to 
them who else had not now been there ; as also in making 
the passage so difficult, because by that means none, al- 
most, will hazard the putting of their estates and fortunes 
to be in possibility of being undone if they should be 
stopped, but such only as go for conscience-sake : so as 
their numbers there do now amount to some fifty thousand, 
and most of them truly pious ; and every parish supplied 
with such able painful preaching ministers, as no place un- 
der heaven enjoys the like. Very careful are they, also, to 
preserve among themselves the unity of doctrine, having 
banished divers Familists* and other schismatics out of 
their Church ; of which some, finding no harbor there, re- 
turned back into England. Their enemies, also, here 



* The disciples of Henry Nicholas, the founder of the sect called the Family of 
Love. 



250 Autobiography of Sir' Symonds D'Ewes. 

have at several times given out reports that a bishop and a 
governor should be sent amongst them to force upon them 
the yoke of our ceremonies and intermixtures, as to deter 
others from going. And, indeed, at this time the same 
report was more likely to be fulfilled than ever, before or 
since : for one Sir Ferdinando Gorges was nominated for 
governor, and there was a consultation had to send him 
thither with a thousand soldiers ; a ship was now in build- 
ing and near finished to transport him by sea, and much 
fear there was amongst the godly lest that infant Common- 
wealth and Church should have been ruined by him ; when 
God, that had carried so many weak and crazy ships thither, 
so provided it, that this strong, new-built ship in the very 
launching fell all in pieces, no man knew how, this spring 
ensuing, and so preserved his dear children there at this 
present from that fatal danger, nor hath since suffered them 
as yet to come under the like fear. 

"Happy it were their enemies would remember wise 
Gamaliel's counsel at last, and no longer fight against God 
himself! Or 'what would become of thirty or forty thou- 
sand of those pious Christians now in New England, whose 
tender consciences stumbled at the old ceremonies which 
were practised amongst us before, if they should now see 
the fatal burthens which were added to them since this 
year — 1634? — * their ecclesiastical prisons could not have 
held a third part of them. Never certainly was there any 
new plantation, at so remote a distance, so far advanced in 
so few years, by private men, against so continual and 
strong opposition ; and my constant prayer and hope is, 
that God will perpetuate a glorious Church there, to the 
world's end, which his own right hand hath so wonderfully 
planted, and, that he will lead them into all truth, and not 
suffer them to err or dissent in the least particulars." 



A LETTER OF PRESIDENT DUNSTER TO 
PROFESSOR RAVIS. 



[The distinguished scholar, to whom the letter which follows was writ- 
ten, is known as Rave, Ravis, or Ravius. He was a native of Berlin, 
born in 1613, and, in order to advance himself in the knowledge of the 
Oriental languages, travelled in the East, where he learned Turkish, Per- 
sian, and Arabic, bringing back some precious manuscripts. At Utrecht, 
Kiel, and at Frankfort on the Maine, as well as in London, he taught the 
languages generally termed Oriental, and published several works on his 
favorite subject, the titles of which are given by Chalmers. See his ar- 
ticle. By letters from Dr. Elichman, a native Silesian, translator of the 
Tablet of Cebes into Arabic, and the learned De Dieu and Vossius, he 
was introduced to Archbishop Usher, who patronized him liberally, and 
to whom he dedicates his " General Grammar for the ready attaining of 
the Ebrew, Samaritan, Calde, Syriac, Arabic, and the Ethiopic Lan- 
guages." Grotiits introduced him also to Cardinal Richelieu, and he 
visited the court of Christina of Sweden. He died at Frankfort, June 
21, 1677. For the copy of President Dunster's letter we are indebted 
to the kindness of John Belknap, Esq., son of the reverend historian of 
New Hampshire, among whose manuscripts this ana 1 some other valuable 
documents were found, in the handwriting of the President. — Eds.] 



A coppy of my Ir to D r Christianus Ravius Orientahu 
linguani^ pressor LondinL 

Reverend and worthy S r 

Yo rs of y e 27 th of {February came to our hands, together 
w lh the box and all things therein mentioned about the 2 d 
or 3 d of August, for w ch I am not only bounden to give 
thanks unto God for raising up such instruments to promote 
his Kingdome, not onely in the places where they live, but 
also throughout all the world to the utmost of their power, 
But I am also further desired from my Ocasions in the Col- 
ledge to return thanks unto your selfe for yo r speciall good 
will, as to the whole Country here in Generall, so in spe- 
ciall to the promoting of Learning in the Colledge amongst 



252 President Dunsterh Letter to Professor Ravis. 

the Students, and in the woods amongst the Indians in 
their Savage booths or wigwams ; and albeit it extendeth 
onely to y e power to acknowledge such kindnesse, without 
further externall requi tails, yet undoubtedly the Lord Jesus 
takes notice of all his faithfull subjects prayers and en- 
deavors, to enlarge his Kingdome, and will here requite it, 
w th the perfume of a good name better then pretious oynt- 
ment, and hereafter w lh a Come yee blessed of my Father 
inherit the Kingdome. Now for a more speciall answer to 
the Ten particulars expressed in your letter wee have at- 
tended the first in teaching the Indians no use of C when 
the sound thereof is confounded with S or K. But onely 
where Ch. soundeth, as in our English Language ChafFe 
Cheif, Chose, Chuse, w ch sound is frequent in their Language 
also, in these Kochittuate, Kuchomakin, Mattachuset, w ch I 
pray you inform mee why it may not bee most expedient 
sound, or power of the Letter (H) Cheth as wee utter it in 
the word /HI for so I teach for expedience my pupills to 
pronounce it diaxgloscos evsxa least we should confound it 
w lh H or y on the one side, or with D or p on the other 
side. 2 ly whereas you say the letter Q is superfluous in 
our English, tis true the Southern English confound it with 
K : but wee in the North (Ego enim Lancastrensis sum) 
pronounce it fully, and exactly as your selfe teach. Or- 
thographic Hebrew delineationis pag: 5. Col: 1. Sect: 11. 
of p Q not K ubi dicis ntilli Europsei noverint hujus sonum ; 
prseter Helvetios. Sc. K. ex imo gutture asperius, sic etiam 
nos efferimus Quod non utvnieridionales (Kod). The In- 
dians also have use of this letter frequently in their tongue 
as in Quillipiog, Quinticut, Quabaquick &c. w ch sound wee 
can never represent by K. | % indeed there is no need of 
w th them, but I cannot say so of : Z : w ch both their Tongue 
hath need of in some Syllables, and our owne, fTor the Let- 
ter : S : is too dry to expresse these sounds following : Zeal, 
Hazard, Raze, w ch to write Seal, Hasard, Rase, both oth- 
erwise doe sound, and Signify | And now that I am fallen 
on this matter, pardon my freedome in desiring a little 
more yo r grounds why you pronounce Teth as Th, and 
Thau as T : contrary to the most Grammarians, And yet 
much more I wonder at your judgement in the difference 
of fi? and £>' for what yo w write in the forecited place Sect : 
12, that the Ephraimites jussi dicere Sibboleth dicebant 



President Dunster's Letter to Professor Ravis. 253 

Schibbolet seemes therefore strange because that Schibbo- 
let is of far. harder, .or more difficult pronunciation the text 
saith "D"! 1 ? yy $r)S w ch wee render hee could not frame 
to pronounce it right, w ch had been easy if the sound had 
been Sibbolet, at least to our thinking. But and if the 
difference lye where I have sometimes conceived it, then 
the pronunciation were by far more difficult, for of these 3 
letters D & and & I have for difference sake conceived these 
sounds D as our s in sew as consuere to (sew) V as sh to 
shew indicare, and Vf as sch, as to eschew, vitare, so that 
every one is a degree dempto ; e. harder or more difficult 
then other; to sew, shew, eschew Job 1. 8. there wee use 
the word and you may here how the English utter it. 
Herein I crave your judgement as also in J? dicis enim no- 
bis aphav(& [ms. sic], at bene subjungis potius- quam pro- 
nunciatio gn : &c. tecum penitus et ego : veruntamen quid 
obstat, quo minus efferatur ut nostrum .y. Consona, cui 
etiam et figura affinis. uti audies nostrates pronunciantes : 
Yea, yet, yonder, &c. at diutius in hisce ; Cum vero tua 
scripta summum spirant candorem ; nullus dubito quin 
aequi, bonique, hsec mea consulas, et quod humillime peto 
responsum retuleris. 

To your 2 d We doe not trouble the Indians to Learn ou r 
English, But onely such as for their owhe behoof doe it of 
their owne accord. 

To the 3 d Mr. Eliot is labouring to bring their tongue un- 
der the Skill of Rules of Grammar, and Dictionary, but yo w 
are mistaken in thinking their Etymologie as single as our 
English, Albeit this is wonderfull in their Tongue that 
sometimes one Syllable spreads the virtue of its significa- 
tion through the whole sentence, They are indeed taken 
greatly in wondering at the skill of the English, and are 
enforced to confesse many times God is among us. 

To the 4 th they were never offended at o r calling them 
Indians, as by misinformation r you seem to conceive, but 
onely inquired of us, the reason of y e name. 

To the 5 th - Wee make what good husbandry wee can of 
the writing books you sent, but find them of more use to 
the English, then Indians, being above their capacity, for 
the present especially being writ in the English Tongue, 
And herein again I am entreated to render thanks from the 

4th s. — vol i. 32 



254 President Dunster's Letter to Professor Ravis. 

severall schooles of the country whereto I have sent them. 
This answereth also yo r 6 th and 7 th directions. 

To yo r 8 th and 9 th The students in the Colledge to whom 
I have imparted as occasion requireth, yo r Hebrew sheet 
Grammar, w th yo r Conjugationall, Hebrew Table doe return 
you hearty thanks, as I my selfe doe for yo r notes on Udalls 
Grammar, and yo r Orthographicall delineation. 

Lastly, wee professe o r selves unable to answer the Tender 
of your good will and propensity of spirit towards us. Our 
Infant Colledge compared w th the Academyes in Europe, 
being like Mantua unto Rome, and as unworthy to confine 
a man of your parts, and place, as that small Town the 
Prince of the Latin Poets. Yet neverthelesse if Divine 
providence should waft you over the Atlantick Ocean, or if 
yo r Spirit desire to see what sons of Seth wander in these 
woods then Harvard-Colledge would think itselfe honou rd in 
yo r visit. 

Mean time while Gods providence continueth you where 
you bee, as you Tender yo r readinesse to further o r studies, 
in the Orientall-Tongues, and have already given a reall 
Testimony of yo r benevolent, and beneficent spirit so if 
Gods providence put an opportunity into your hand that 
you help us w th books of those languages from some able 
hands, and willing hearts (for from yo r selfe it were unrea- 
sonable to expect anymore then such books as yo r selfe are 
personally the Author of ). then should wee bee very glad 
and evermore thankfull to you, and them, who shall pro- 
cure us Buxtorfes Concordances ; and Bible (for the King 
of Spaines wee have) and the King of France his Bible is 
more then wee dare hope for) and what soever Hebrew, 
Caldee, Syriack, or Arabick-authors, Gods providence shall 
enlarge their hands, and hearts to procure us : A wonderfull 
impulse unto these studies lyes on the spirits of our stu- 
dents, some of w ch can w th ease dextrously translate He- 
brew, and Caldee, into Greek. But I forget my selfe in 
detaining you so long from yo r serious, and more profitable 
Studies : Let mee heare ; I pray, if you received this my 
letter. The Lord bee w th you, and prosper all yo r en- 
deavo r3. So I Intreat pray for 

Yo rs in the Lord. 
Harvard Coll : Cambr : in N E. 
Febru: [1648?] 



A LETTER FROM THE REV. SAMUEL 
DANFORTH, 

MINISTER OF TAUNTON, MASSACHUSETTS.* 



Taunton, Aug. 8, 1720. 
Much Honored and Reverend Fathers and Brethren, 

It is a singular favor of Heaven to our land, that the 
honored and reverend Ministers of Boston, as well by 
their influence on particular gentlemen that were of a pub- 
lic spirit, and by their influence on the several Churches 
under their pastoral care, and by their interceding with 
those whom God had placed over the land in civil power, 
as well as by their own personal exemplary bounty, have 
procured support to such as have preached the Gospel in 
the dark corners of our Province ; and by their personal 
visits, as well as also by their written letters and sermons 
preached by them, some of which have been printed and 
gratis bestowed on them, have abundantly testified their 
sincere desires of the gospelizing those towns of Freetown, 
Tiverton, Dartmouth, and Nantucket ; which towns being 
within the bounds of our Province, if this Province do not 
take care for their enjoyment of Gospel light and privi- 
leges, who will or can ? We have reason also to be thank- 
ful to God, that the General Court, representing the whole 
body politic, have done considerably by their bounty out 
of the public treasury, as also by renewed acts and orders 
from year to year, for the bringing order into those towns, 
and for encouraging the preaching of the Gospel in them ; 

* [The reverend author was son of the minister of Roxbury. He is ranked by Dr. 
Allen among the most eminent of the New England divines in his day. He took 
his first degree at Harvard College in 1683, and died in 1727, having nearly com- 
pleted his sixty-first year. — Eds.] 



256 Letter from the Rev. Samuel Danforth. 

and the Justices of Peace, in their stations, and in their 
public sessions, have from time to time acted laudably for 
the countenancing and promoting this good work. We 
have also cause to take notice of the good hand of our 
God working with us, in finding out and inclining the 
hearts of some worthy men to engage in the work of 
Christ in those difficult places : particularly that the Rev- 
erend Mr. Creaghead hath with heroical courage and pa- 
tience so long continued in his post at Freetown ; that 
the Reverend Mr. Hunt hath adventured to settle in one 
corner of Dartmouth ; that Barrington hath made so much 
progress towards good order, and held out so long in sup- 
porting the preaching of the word among them, without 
help from others ; and that others have been willing to 
take their turns, and to preach the Gospel for a time at 
Tiverton and Nantucket ; that a Church is gathered in 
Dartmouth, and a Pastor ordained ; that a small Church was 
formed in Freetown, though it is now weakened by the 
removal of some of its members into other towns. It is 
also our comfort that prayers are put up to God for the 
success of this work by pious men throughout the Prov- 
ince, whose inquiries from time to time how this work 
goes forward show how much they delight [in] and are 
refreshed by the progress of it : and doubtless these pray- 
ers will be- heard and answered in God's time. 

That we have met with obstructions and disappoint- 
ments in pursuing this work, is no more than was expect- 
ed by those who set it on foot ; and God sees it needful 
it should be so, to maintain in us a daily sense of our sins 
which expose us to the frowns of Heaven even when we 
are engaged in most laudable enterprises; and to maintain 
in us an entire dependence on our Lord Jesus Christ for 
success in our essays for the enlargement of the bounds of 
His vineyard on earth ; finding by our own experience that 
all our projections and essays of accomplishing any thing 
that is for the glory of God and the good of the souls of 
men will avail nothing, till the Lord Himself appear in 
His glory for the building up of Zion, and be pleased to 
work with us ; and therefore to His name alone must be 
given the glory of every successful step taken in forward- 
ing this His temple-work. 



Letter from the Rev. Samuel Danforth. 257 

If any such thought should arise that we have taken 
pains enough already, and may now content ourselves with 
what hath been done, and may now sit still and wait 
God's time for the settling the Gospel ministry and ordi- 
nances in those plantations ; I humbly offer this thought 
in opposition to the former : that we have hitherto been 
waiting on God in the use of means, which did quiet our 
spirits, and our waiting was of the right sort. But can 
that be thought to be an acceptable waiting on God which 
gives over and ceases from the diligent use of means for 
obtaining the end desired ? If we cannot think of other 
means and methods besides those we have made use of 
already, yet I .hope we are capable of continuing a while 
longer in the use of the same means and methods which 
have been hitherto used. The Province cannot say that 
the disbursements out of the public treasury for the pro- 
moting this work have impoverished the public. The 
Christian assemblies that contributed to this work have 
no reason to think that they fare the worse for making 
that offering to the Lord. While this work hath been 
engaged in, we have enjoyed a considerable measure of 
health in our land, a considerable degree of peace in the 
civil state and in our churches ; the heathens have been 
restrained from making insults on our frontiers ; the earth 
has of late more plentifully yielded its increase tous ; God 
hath wonderfully preserved the life of his Majesty, our sov- 
ereign lord, King George, to reign over us, whose reign 
hath hitherto been very comfortable to all true Protestants ; 
and under him we have been favored with Governors (or 
chief leaders), one after another, who have countenanced 
us in our enjoyment of Gospel privileges ; and at this 
present time have cause to bless God for our present Gov- 
ernor in chief,* who doth not discourage or weaken our 
religious interests, but under his administration such whose 
hearts are engaged for the promotion and propagation of 
religion are not made the underlings of the people, b[ut 
allowed to] use all lawful endeavors for promoting learning 
and religion, without being frowned [upon or] brow- 
beaten for their pains. 

* [Samuel Shute, Esq., who arrived in 1714, and left the Province in 1723. — Eds.] 



258 Letter from the Rev. Samuel Danforth. 

I make bold to add, that the difficulty of gospelizing 
th[e above] towns hath been of service, to make the gov- 
ernment very careful that all new towns shall be provided 
with Gospel ministers at their first settlement. And though 
it hath exercised our patience to observe the slow progress 
of religion in these few dark corners of our land, yet God 
hath refreshed our spirits in the mean time by observing 
the great additions made to o[ur] churches, yea the multi- 
plication of churches in our land, proportion ably to the en- 
er[gy] of the people. And as every stroke of Noah in 
building the Ark had a voice in it, so every step taken for 
the advancement of religion in these towns above mentioned 
is doctrinal to the observers of them. The young genera- 
tion hath occasion given them to consider, what meaneth 
the often travelling of preachers to Tiverton and the other 
destitute towns ? What moves the best sort of men in 
the land to be so forward to contribute to and promote 
this work, and that for such an ignorant and ill-bred people 
that will not give them thanks for it? This leads them 
to think of the worth of the souls of men, and of the need 
of a Gospel ministry to help forward the salvation of men's 
souls ; and that, were it not for Gospel light, ministry, and 
ordinances, the towns we live in would soon become as 
ignorant, erroneous and vicious as those destitute towns 
now are. 

We expect no other but Satan will show his rage against 
us for our endeavors to lessen his kingdom of darkness. 
He hath grievously afflicted me (by God's permission) by 
infatuating or bewitching three or four who live in a corner 
of my parish with Quaker notions, [who] now hold a sep- 
arate meeting by themselves ; yet such is God's great 
mercy that the rest of the ris[ing] generation do not fall 
in with their notions, but are become more studious to 
know the principles of true religion, and to arm themselves 
against false doctrine ; and have set up eight young men's 
meeti[ngs] for religious exercises, which are upheld with 
good warm affection and seriousness. And having intelli- 
gence that great sums of money are distributed at New- 
port, at their ann[iver]sary Quaker meeting, which comes 
yearly from England, to which they add what they collect 
at their quarterly meetings, for the rewarding their itiner- 



Letter from the Rev. Samuel Danforth. 259 

ant false teachers ; it moves the people to be more forward 
than formerly for the upholding the true worship of God ; 
and should convince us all of the great need there is to 
continue our care and endeavors to plant the Gospel and 
sound doctrine in these destitute towns, that are our fron- 
tiers, bordering upon or near to the place where Satan 
hath his throne, whence he sends forth his emissaries to 
make invasions on and inroads into our Province. Should 
not all ranks of men in the land in their several stations 
unite their forces, in resisting and opposing Satan, and 
weakening his kingdom of darkness and errors ? I hope 
the reverend ministers in Boston, seeing they live in the 
metropolis of the land, where the General Courts are held, 
will once more take the pains [to] represent to the General 
Court at their next sessions the present need there is of 
passing such acts and orders as in their wisdom they judge 
sufficient, to encourage the continuance of the preaching 
of the Gospel in Freetown, Tiverton, Dartmouth, and Nan- 
tucket. Will not the adversaries of sound doctrine tri- 
umph, if we should give over this work ? Will it not give 
them too much occasion to reproach the religion and doc- 
trine which we profess ? Will they not insinuate into men 
that we w r ere in doubt whether our cause was good, else 
would not have deserted it? Will our Lord Jesus Christ 
take it well if we should faint, and despond, and cease 
from His work; and rebuke us, saying, O ye of little faith, 
wherefore did ye doubt of my presence with you, and my 
helping hand to support and succeed you in my work : and 
seeing I have by my Providence put these few destitute 
towns under the care of your Province, you must not neg- 
lect any means to prevent their perishing for want of 
vision. 

What proposals are to be laid before the General Court 
in reference to each of those forenamed particular towns, 
I presume that yourselves do already know better than I 
do ; or may easily know, by inquiring of such who favor 
sound doctrine in each of those places. 

But having taken some pains with myself, to set my 
dull and weakened spirits on work to indite this epistle, 
which I intended not to have been so long by half as it is, 



260 Letter from the Rev. Samuel Danforth. 

it is time for me to beg your pardon for my prolixity, and 
your prayers for me and mine, and to subscribe myself 

Your most humble servant, and unworthy fellow- 
laborer in Christ's vineyard, 

Samuel Danforth. 

[The following is added as a postscript : — ] 

Since this letter was writ, a woman desires to partake 
with our church, who hath been in the country about three 
years, in Taunton about one year. She hath partook, as 
she saith, with the Church of England in London ; but has 
no certificate of it from London. I conclude nothing will 
be objected against her conversation ; her knowledge in 
the fundamentals of religion is competent, her discourse 
serious ; but of the difference between Conformity and 
Non-conformity she understands but little, only has ob- 
served that we use not the sign of the cross in baptism, 
and kneel not at the Lord's Supper ; and finds no fault 
with our churches on those accounts. I desire advice what 
answer to make to her, and what to say to my church con- 
cerning her. 

Yours, 

S. D. 

[Directed: "To the Reverend Doctor Cotton Mather, in Boston; 
to be communicated to the Reverend Ministers in Boston."] 



A JOURNAL KEPT DURING THE TIME Y T BOS 
TON WAS SHUT UP IN 1775-6. 

By TIMOTHY NEWELL, Esqr., 

ONE OF THE SELECT MEN OF THE TOWN. 



1775. April 19 th . At 10 of the clock last night, the 
Kings Troops marched out from the bottom of the Com- 
mon, crossed over to Phip's farm, marched on till they 
came to Lexington, where they fired and killed eight of 
our People and proceeded to Concord where they were 
sent to distroy Magazines of Provisions, &c. After doing 
some damage by spiking up and destroying cannon &c. 
they halted and were soon attacked by our People, upon 
which they retreated, being about 800. Men commanded 
by Major Pitcairn of the Marines. Upon their retreat they 
were joined by a Brigade commanded by Lord Piercy who 
continued the retreat and were beat by our People from 
thence, down to Charlestown, which fight was continued 
till sunset. Our People behaved with the utmost bravery 
— about thirty of our People were killed and wounded, 
and fifty of the Kings Troops. The next day they came 
over to Boston. (Double the number of Kings Troops to 
our People, were in action that day) and blessed be God 
who most remarkably appeared in our favor. [Gordon's 
History says 65 killed, 180 wounded, and 28 prisoners of 
the King's Troops ; — of the Provincials, 50 killed, 34 
wounded, and 4 missing.] 

May 21 sl (Sabbath). This day two sloops and an 
armed schooner with soldiers sailed to Grape Island near 
Hingham to get hay, our People attacked them and beat 
them off, some say with loss, none on our side as is known, 
they returned without accomplishing their design. Our 
People afterwards set fire to the hay. 

4th s. — vol. i. S3 



262 NeweWs Journal. 

May 27 th . Our People set fire to hay and a barn on 
Noddle's Island ; a number of Marines went over. — Our 
People retreated over to Hog Island, the troops following, 
by being decoyed by our People down to the water, who 
then fired and the action continued all night (though very 
dark) also a Man of War schooner firing tlfeir cannon con- 
tinually upon them which towards morning catch't aground 
upon Winesimet ferry ways. Our people boarded her and 
finally burnt her — This action seems without a parrallel, 
that, notwithstanding several hundred of the Kings Troops 
and the schooners were engaged all night and it is said 
100 were wounded and fell — not the least hurt happened, 
except to three wounded of our People, who were com- 
manded by General Putnam. The Lord manifestly ap- 
pears on our side, and blessed be his glorious name forever. 

30 th . The mansion house on Noddle's Island burnt by 
our People, the cattle and sheep &c. drove off. The Ad- 
miral sent a number of his People to take off some stores 
of the Men of War, which were in a ware house there, 
which was not opposed by our people who lay near ; sup- 
pose when they had taken them on board a Sloop (which 
lay at the wharf) our people fired two cannon out of a little 
patch of wood on the top of the hill, which made them all 
fly precipitately: 

31 st . These several days last past we have been repeat- 
edly alarmed with expectation of a general battle or attack 
on the town; many people put under guard and some sent 
on board the Men of war for the most trifling supposed 
offences. 

June 1 st . M r Hopkins a carpenter released from on 
board the Admiral where he has been prisoner for 3 weeks 
for no other reason than taking his own Canoe from one 
wharf to another. He complained that his fare on board 
was cruel viz. but half allowance of provisions ; kept 
under deck without any thing to lodge on but the bare 
deck amidst the most horrid oaths and execrations, and 
amidst the filth and vermin &c. and left a number of pris- 
oners in that same dismal state &c. 

6 th . M r John Peck, M r Frost, M r Brewer and sundry 
others discharged from on board the Admiral in exchange 
of prisoners, viz Major Dunbar, Capt. Gould and a number 
of wounded soldiers. 



NewelPs Journal. 263 

9 th . Last night several Gondaloes went to Noddle's Isl- 
and for hay — two hundred and thirty Regulars went off 
soon after sunrise to support them. Upon the appearance 
of our people they tho't proper to retire and arrived safe 
back here. 

11 th . A number of Transports arrived with recruits and 
the 17 th Regement of Light horse commanded by Lieu 1 
Col . Birch. 

17 th . The Provincials last night began an Entrenchment 
upon Charlestown (say Bunker's Hill) before sunrise. The 
Tartar Man of War and the battery from Corps hill began 
a cannonade about 2 oClock AM. Gen 1 Howe with 
pieces of Cannon and three thousand Men landed on 
Charlestown point and marched up to the Redoubt after a 
great slaughter of Thirteen-hundred and twenty five of the 
Regulars killed and wounded — one hundred and twelve 
officers included — and of Provincials fifty killed and one 
hundred and eighty wounded and missing — among whom 
were D r Warren and Colonel Robinson killed — The Gar- 
rison gave way — A constant fire from the Men of War 
&c. all the night following — only three from one company 
and fourteen from another of the Regulars brought off. 

18 lh . Skirmishes most of the day — divers killed and 
wounded. 

24 th . About 12 oClock at noon began a Cannonade of 
Roxbury and set fire to one or two houses which was ex- 
tinguished. Two Men killed at Brown's house from a 
small party of Regulars. Great expectations from this 
day's operations, as last night four Transports, Gondaloes 
&c. full of Troops, as was said, intended to land at Dor- 
chester neck to attack the Provincials, but an alarm gun 
was said to be fired and fires kindled to alarm the Coun- 
try — the great force said to be collected prevented this 
expedition. 

This account was given by one Morrison who deserted 
and came in this day from the Provincials. It is said he 
was in the Redoubt at Bunker hill. 

26 lh PM. Many cannon fired on both sides from the 
lines &c. 

27 th . Tolerable quiet ; only a few cannon exchanged 
from the lines. 



264 NewelVs Journal. 

30 th . Cannonade from Roxbury and the lines. 

July 1 st . A few cannon exchanged on both sides — one 
24 pounder came into the lines, knocked down one Man 
with the wind of it. 

2 Qd Sabbath morning. I waked up by a cannonade 
from the lines, which continued two hours. A house on 
the Neck burnt down thereby, which belonged to the 
town. 

8 lh . Saturday morning at half past 2 waked up with 
roaring of cannon and small arms upon the lines which 
continued about two hours. Brown's house burnt. 

9 th . The Regulars last night made an advance battery 
near Browns on the Neck. 

10 th July. Provincials last night attacked the Centinels 
at the lines, and burnt Brown's shop. 

12 lh . Two men of war made a heavy fire on Long Isl- 
and. The Provincials last night in 65 whale boats and 
500 men went over to Long Island and took off 31 head 
of cattle, with a number of Sheep and quantity of hay and 
likewise seized on and brought off fourteen of the Kings 
Mowers with the family belonging to the Island — The 
next day they returned again and set fire to the Mansion 
house and barn &x. — this within sight of the Man of war, 
who kept, lip a constant fire on them. 

14 th . Last night was awoke by the discharge of cannon 
on the lines — Master James Lovell, Master Leach, John — 
— Hunt, have been imprisoned some time past — all they 
know why it is so is they are charged with free speaking 
on the public measures. Dorrington his son and daughter 
and the nurse for blowing up flies in the evening, they are 
charged with giving signals in this way to the army with- 
out. 

20 th . M r Carpenter was taken by the night Patrole — 
upon examination he had swam over to Dorchester and 
back again, was tried here that day and sentence of death 
passed on him and to be executed the next day, — his 
coffin bro 1 into the Goal-yard, his halter bought and he 
dressed as criminals are before execution. Sentence was 
respited and a few days after was pardoned. 

23 d . The Castle it is publicly talked will be dismantled. 
This evening many Guns fired at and from the man of war 



NewelPs Journal. 265 

at N. Boston. Ten or twelve transports it is said sailed 
this day with 150 soldiers upon a secret expedition for pro- 
visions. 

August 1 st . This week passed tolerably quiet. Last 
night at half past 12 oclock was awoke with a heavy fir- 
ing from a Man of War at the Provincials on Phip's farm. 
From the lines at Charlestown and Boston it appeared as 
if a general attack was made, — the firing continued till 6 
oclock. The George Tavern was burnt by the Regulars 
and the house at the Light house by the Provincials (about 
300) who took about 30 Soldiers and a number of Carpen- 
ters. This morning half past 4 oclock awoke with can- 
nonade and small arms from Charlestown which lasted till 
eleven oclock after that. 

Very trying scenes. 

This day was invited by two Gentlemen to dine upon 
rats. — The whole of this day till sunset a constant fire up 
Mistic River from the lines and out Centinels at Charles- 
town and the Provincials from Mount Prospect. 

4 th . John Gill imprisoned, charged with printing sedition 
treason and rebellion. 

6 th . Skirmishing up Mistic river, several Soldiers brought 
over here wounded. The House at Penny ferry Maiden 
side, burnt. 

13 th . Several Gondaloes sailed up Mistic river, upon 
which the Provincials and they had a skirmish, many shots 
exchanged but nothing decisive. 

15 lh . Cannonade from the lines most of this afternoon on 
both sides. The General's fleet df Transports arrived 
from their cruise having taken from the Islands of Gard- 
ners &c. about two thousand sheep — one hundred and ten 
oxen, butter, eggs &c. &c. 

16 lh . Cannonade from both lines — 17 th . Cannonade 
again. 

19 th . D°. — A 42 pounder split on the lines, killed a 
bombardier and wounded one or two men. 

20 lh to 25 lh . Daily firing from the lines and from the 
Centinels on both sides. 

27 lh Sabbath. Cannonading from the lines at Charles- 
town on new works — a nearer approach, also much firing 
of small arms. 



266 NewelVs Journal. 

29 lh . Several bombs from D°. on D°. in the night. 

30 th . D°. in the night — D°. Bombarding from the lines 
on Bunkers Hill. 1 st Sept. D°. almost constant firing 
from the Centinels at each other. New works arise upon 
the Neck by the Provincials who approach very near. 

ll lh Sept. A Serjent and 5 men taken by the Provincials 
at Dorchester — 12 th . Went in a boat to relieve a lad blown 
off in a Canoe. 

Memorandum 14 th Sept. 1775. 

Mess 1-3 ? Auchinclosh, Morrisson, and another person came 
to me, as three Scotchmen had been before — they showed 
me a paper directed to me setting forth that " The Rev d . 
Mr. Morrisson was permitted by his Excellency Gen 1 . Gage 
to preach and desired he may have the use of D r Cooper's 
Meetinghouse — signed by about 30 Scotchmen and others 
— viz. B. Hallowill J. Forrest &c. — I desired they 
would leave the Paper for my consideration. — They did 
not chuse I should keep it and began to urge their having 
the house. — For answer 1 told them, I looked upon it a 
high insult upon the Society their proposing it, and turned 
my back upon them and so left them. PM. Mess rs . Black, 
Dixon, Hunter, came and told me his Excellency the Gen- 
eral, had consented they should have our Meetinghouse and 
desired I would deliver them the Key. I told them when 
I see such an order I should know how to proceed. One 
said to me — so, you refuse to deliver the Key. I answered 
with an emotion of resentment, Yes I do. 

15 th . As I was attending a funeral, the Provost M r Cun- 
ningham, came to me and told me " It was his Excellency 
the Gen 13 command, I should immediately deliver him the 
Key of D r Cooper's Meetinghouse — I replied, I must 
see the Governor — he told me he would not see me till 
I had delivered the Key. I told him, 1 must see the Gen- 
eral, and refused to deliver the Key. He left me in a great 
rage and swore he would immediately go and break open 
the doors. I left the funeral and proceeded to the Gov- 
ernor's, — calling on Capt. Erving to go with me. — He 
excused himself, and so I went alone. The Governor re- 
ceived me civilly. I addressed myself to him and most 
earnestly intreated him that he would be pleased to with- 



NewelVs Journal. 2G7 

draw his order, urging that D r Elliot, in order to accom- 
modate our people, was to preach in said Meetinghouse 
next Sabbath, or the Sabbath after and that the person 
they proposed was a Man of infamous character, which 
had it been otherwise, I should not oppose it &c. And I 
desired his Excellency would consider of it. He told me 
he would and that I might keep the Key, and if he sent 
for it he expected I would deliver it, — so left him. — I 
had not been, I believed 20 minutes from him, before the 
Provost came with a written order to deliver the Key im- 
mediately, which I did accordingly. When I at first urged 
the Governor to excuse my delivering the Key for the rea- 
sons given — he replied that a number of creditable people 
had applied to him, and he saw no reason why that house 
should not be made use of as any other. Gen 1 Robinson 
(when I mentioned the preacher being of an infamous 
character) said he knew no harm of the man, but this he 
knew that he had left a very bad service and taken up with 
a good one. The next day the Provost came to my shop, 
I not being there, he left word that he came for the appa- 
ratus of the Pulpit and that he must have the Key under 
the pulpit, supposing the curtain and cushions were there. 
The Provost the same day came again. 1 chose not to 
be there. He left orders to send him the aforesaid and 
swore most bitterly that if I did not send them, he would 
split the door open — and accordingly I hear the same was 
forced open and that if D r Cooper and D r Warren were 
there, he would break their heads and that he would drag 
me in the gutter, &c. &c. &c. — This being Saturday 
afternoon, I chose not to be seen — spent the evening at 
Major Phillips's — consulted with a few friends — advised 
still to be as much out of the way as possible. — D r Elliot 
invited me to come very early in the morning (being Lords 
day) and breakfast with him and also dine, which I did 
and returned home after nine at night — found Serjent 
with a Letter had been twice at our house for me — Thus 
ends a Sabbath which exclusive of the perplexities and 
insults before mentioned, has has been a good day for me. 

P. S. Capt. Erving and myself being the only persons 
of the Committee remaining in town, I acquainted him 
of the demands of the General, who advised me that if the 



268 NeweWs Journal. 

Gen 1 insisted on the delivery of the Key, to deliver the 
same. The next week several of our Parish thought proper 
to petition the Gen 1 . — I advised with Foster Hutchinson 
Esq r , who thought it very proper, and accordingly at my 
desire he drew a petition, but upon further consideration 
and hearing of the opinion of the General, he thought it 
best not to present it. 

14 th C Began taking down houses at the South end, to 

19 th . \ build a new line of Works — A good deal of can- 
nonading on both sides the lines for many days past Sev- 
eral shots came thro' houses at the South end. Capt. 
Poulet lost his leg, &c. &c. &c. 

27 th . These several days past have been tolerably quiet. 
The works at the Southward go on. Yesterday the Cer- 
berus Man of war arrived in 7 weeks from London — 
brings advices of coercive measures by Administration — 
5 Regiments — one thousand Marines, another Admiral 
with a fleet of men of war &c. — and General Gage called 
home. 

3 d October. This morning two bomb Ketches and sev- 
eral armed vessels with some soldiers sailed on a secret 
expedition, it is said to demand a Ship belonging to Ports- 
mouth, retaken by our whale boats, and carried into Cape 
Ann — also to demand of that town 40 seamen which they 
took from the man of war — if not delivered in 24 hours 
to bombard the town. 

6 th . The Provincials from Lams Dam discharged their 
cannon at the Regulars, as they relieve guard at the lines 
— One Corporal killed with a cannon ball. 

10 th . A negro man belonging to wheeling a barrow 

load of in the Streets, the Provost came up to him 

and caned him to a great degree. The negro conscious 
of his innocence asked him why he did so — he was told 
it was for wheeling his barrow at the side of the street and 
not in the middle. — General Gage sailed this day for 
London and left several thousand Inhabitants in town who 
are suffering the want of Bread and every necessary of 
life. 

13 th . Colonel Birch of the Lighthorse Dragoons went to 
view our Meetinghouse* which was destined for a Riding 

* Brattle Street. 



NeivelPs Journal, 269 

School for the Dragoons. It was designed to clear the floor, 
[and] to put two feet of tan covered with horse dung to 
make it elastic. — But when it was considered that the Pil- 
lars must be taken away, which would bring down the 
roof, they altered their mind, — so that the Pillars saved us. 

17 th . Two floating batteries from the Provincials from 
Cambridge river, fired a number of cannon into the camp 
at the Common, the shot went thro houses by the Lamb 
Tavern &c. — A deserter who came in this morning, says 
one of the Cannon split, and killed and wounded several. 
5 or 6 hats, a waistcoat and part of a boat came on shore 
at the bottom of the Common. 

25 th . Several nights past the whole army was ordered 
not to undress — the cannon all loaded with grape shot 
from a full apprehension the Provincials would make an 
attack upon the town. The streets paraded all night by 
the Light Horse. 

27 th . The spacious Old South Meeting house, taken pos- 
session of by the Light horse 17 th Regiment of Dragoons 
commanded by Lieu 1 Col Samuel Birch. The Pulpit, 
pews and seats, all cut to pieces and carried off in the most 
savage manner as can be expressed and destined for a 
riding school. The beautiful carved pew with the silk fur- 
niture of Deacon Hubbard's was taken down and carried 
to 's house by an officer and made a hog stye. 

The above was effected by the solicitation of General 
Burgoyne. 

30 th . A soldier, one of the Light-horse men was hanged 
at the head of their camp for attempting to desert. Proc- 
lamation issued by General Howe for the Inhabitants to 
sign an Association to take arms &c. 

November 4 lh . A Proclamation issued for people to give 
in their names to go out of town, but before the timfe limit- 
ed expired a stop was put to it. This like others of the kind 
seems only designed to continue the vexation of the people. 

9 th . Several Companies of Regulars from Charlestown 
went over to Phips's farm to take a number of Cattle feed- 
ing there. The Provincials came upon them and soon 
drove them on board boats after an engagement — it is 
said several are and none killed, but they supposed 

many of the Provincials killed. 

4th s. — vol. i. 34 



270 NewelPs Journal. 

16 th . Many people turned out of their houses for the 
troops to enter. The keys of our Meeting house cellars 
demanded of me by Major Sheriff by order of General 
Howe. Houses, fences, trees &c. pulled down and carried 
off for fuel. My wharf and barn pulled down by order of 
General Robinson. Beef, Mutton, Pork at 1/6 p r pound, 
Geese 14/ Fowls 6/8. L. M. 

19 th . A large ship arrived from Plymouth in England 
with almost every kind of provisions dead and alive, hogs, 
sheep, fowls ducks, eggs, mince meat &c. Ginger-bread 
&c. Memorandum 25 Regiments of Kings troops now in 
this distressed town. 

24 th November. A transport Ship carried about 400 of 
our Inhabitants to Point Shirley. One poor Dutch woman 
attempted to carry with her about 60 dollars. Morrison 
the deserter seized them and carried them to the town 
Major. Ten dollars was stopped by him. 

1 st December. A large Brig 1 with ordnance stores, a very 
valuable prize from London taken by Capt n Manly in a 
Schooner Privateer from Beverly. 

3 d . A Transport Ship sailed for Point Shirley, with 
about three hundred Inhabitants. 

7 th . A Brig 1 Privateer called the Washington bro 1 in here 
Martindale, Captain, with six carriage guns and seventy 
five men taken" by the Fowey man of war. The People 
sent to England in a man of war. 

8 th . Three Ships, from London, Glasgow and Liverpool, 
with stores for the army — a Brig 1 from Antigua with Rum, 
taken by the whale boats &c. in our Bay. 

13 th . News of several more Store Ships being taken by 
the Continental Privateers and whale boats. 

17 th . Sabbath morning was discovered new works going 
on at Phips's farm very near — upon which a cannonade 
and bombardment ensued and continued the 18, 19, and 
20, from the Battery's of Charlestown and Boston Point. 
The man of war of 32 guns which lay opposite kept a 
constant fire. The first day a shot from Millers hill took 
her quarter and went thro' and thro' her — a shot the next 
day passed my house and struck young D r Paddocks hat 
upon his head, as he was on D r Lloyd's hill, the ball fell 
into his yard. The man of war slipt away in the night. 



NeweWs Journal. 271 

28 lh . Several Transports with Troops sailed on an Ex- 
pedition. 

30 th December. Admiral Shuldam arrived from England 
in the Chatham man of war of 50 guns to supercede Ad- 
miral Graves. The Kings speech arrived. 

1776. January 8 th . Monday at half past 8 P.M being 
dark weather the Provincials attacked Charlestown, burnt 
the houses, remaining at Neck of land, carried of! a serjent 
and a number of Men. 

1776. January 8 lh . Just as the farce began at the Play- 
house of the Blockade of Boston — which with much faint- 
ing, fright, and confusion, prevented the scene. 

16 th . The Old North Meeting house, pulled down by 
order of Gen 1 . Howe for fuel for the Refuges and To- 
ries. 

2 nd February. Just at 11 oclock at night, some wanton 
soldier or officer fired a bomb from the battery, at New 
Boston, which bursted in the air, did no harm, but made 
such an alarm as occasioned a great blustering. 

4 th . At half past nine in the evening, 3 cannon fired 
from the lines at Charlestown and a number of small arms 
at the Soldiers pulling down the Mills — say two men killed 
and one wounded. The next day many cannon fired. 

13 th . This night a large body of the ^Troops about 3. 
oclock set off on the Ice from the fortification, landed at 
Dorchester Neck and set fire to all the houses and barns, 
bro 1 ofT six prisoners who were Centinels, Col Lesslie 
from the Castle, assisted with the Troops there, and re- 
turned at seven o'clock — No engagement ensued — The 
Provincials guards run off. 

Thursday 25 th .* From the accounts of D r Gilson, and 
some others Deserters from the Continental army, great 
preparations were making to attack the Town, — caused 
very alarming apprehensions and distress of the Inhab- 
itants. 

2 nd March Saturday night half past 11, began from the 
Country, Bombardment and cannonade which continued 
on both sides till morning and then ceased and began 
again Lords day evening at 9 and so continued all the 
night, and tho' several houses were damaged and persons 

* Must be 29th, as the 2d March was Saturday. — [Transcriber.] 



272 NeweWs Journal. 

in great danger, myself one, no one as I can learn received 
any hurt. 

4 th March. Monday — soon after candle light, came on 
a most terrible bombardment and cannonade, on both sides, 
as if heaven and earth were engaged. Five or six 18 and 
24 lb shot struck M r Chardon's house, Gray's, Winnetts, — 
our fence &c. — Notwithstanding, the excessive fire till 
morning, can't learn any of the Inhabitants have been hurt, 
except a little boy of M r Leaks, had his leg broke — it is 
said some of the soldiery suffered. 

5 th Tuesday. — This morning the Provincials were dis- 
covered, fortifying the heights of Dorchester — About 12 
oclock 7 Regiments of the Kings Troops, embarked in 
Transports, commanded by General Jones which were to 
land at Dorchester-Neck and the main body, with the 
Light Dragoons were to go out at the lines in the night 
&c. &,c. Eight or ten Ships sailed below — but whether, 
a Hurrycane, or terrible sudden storm which arose, in the 
evening prevented, or a pretence only, can't say — nothing 
was attempted, — Indeed the violence of the storm ren- 
dered it impossible for any boat to land — Some of the 
Transports were driven on Governors Island, but got off 
and returned. 

6 th . This day the utmost distress and anxiety is among 
the Refugees and associaters &c. &c. &c, orders being 
given to embark the Kings Troops and evacuate the Town. 
Blessed be God our redemption draws nigh. 

7 th Thursday. The last night and this day the Troops 
are very busily employed in removing their stores, cannon, 
ammunition — some of the Dragoons on board, the Refu- 
gees &c. &c, in shipping their goods &c. The Selectmen 
write to the commanding officer at Roxbury, at the earnest 
desire of the Inhabitants and by permission of Gen 1 Howe 
as follows. 

Copies of sundry papers lent me* by Deacon Newell relative 

to the Siege and Evacuation of Boston in 1715. 

To the Commanding Officer at Roxbury. 

Boston March 8 th 1776. 
As his Excellency Gen 1 Howe is determined to leave 

* [Probably the Rev. Dr. Belknap is meant. — Eds.] 






NewelPs Journal. 273 

the Town with the troops under his command, a number 
of the respectable Inhabitants, being very anxious for its 
preservation and safety, have applied to General Robertson 
for this purpose, who at their request have communicated 
the same to his Excellency Gen 1 Howe, who has assured 
him, that he has no intention of destroying the Town, un- 
less the Troops under his command are molested, during 
their embarkation, or at their departure by the armed force 
without ; which declaration he gave General Robertson 
leave to communicate to the Inhabitants. If such an op- 
position should take place, we have the greatest reason to 
expect the Town will be exposed to entire destruction. 
As our fears are quieted, with regard to General Howe's 
intentions, we beg we may have some assurances, that so 
dreadful a calamity may not be brought on by any measures 
without. As a testimony of the truth of the above we 
have signed our names to this Paper, carried out by Mess rs 
Thomas and Jonathan Amory, and Peter Johonnet, who 
have at the earnest entreaties of the Inhabitants, through 
the Lieu 1 Governor solicited a flag of truce for this pur- 
pose. 

1 John Scollay. 2 Timothy Newell, 
3 Thomas Marshall. 4 Samuel Austin. 

Answer to the foregoing. 

Roxbury March '9 th 1776. 
Gentlemen, Agreeable to a promise made to you at 
the lines yesterday, I waited upon his Excellency General 
Washington and presented to him the Paper handed to me 
by you from the select-men of Boston. The answer I re- 
ceived from him was to this effect — That as it was an un- 
authenticated paper without an address and not obligatory 
upon Gen 1 Howe, he would take no notice of it. 
I am with esteem and respect, 

Gent n your most humbl serv 1 

Ebenezer Learned. • 
Mess rs Thomas and Jonathan Amory 
and Peter Johonet. 

March 8 th . The town all hurry and commotion, the 
troops with the Refugees and Tories embarking. 



274 NeweWs Journal. 

9 h Saturday. D°. D°. D°. Received answer from 
the lines from Col Learned commanding officer at Rox- 
bury — (see the above) — Saturday evening 9 oclock, be- 
gan cannonade, which continued the whole night — One 
18 pound shot came thro' our house, another thro' the 
fence and summer house into the Garden, and several shot, 
thro' my neighbour's Houses. 

10 th Lord's day PM. Embarking orders are given to 
deliver Creen Brush esq r all the woolen and linen goods — 
Some persons delivered their goods, others he forced from 
them, to a great value. Shops, stores, houses, plundered, 
vessels cut to pieces &c. &,c. Very distressed times. 

1 1 th Monday. Cannonade began about half past 7 from 
Hatch's wharf and other battery's at near the fortification, 
which continued most of the night. 

12 th . This day and night quiet — the Soldiers shut up 
in their Barracks, except some who were about, plundering. 
The wind high at N. W. The Inhabitants greatly dis- 
tressed thro' fear the Town would be set on fire by the 
Soldiers. 

13 th Wednesday. The Inhabitants in the utmost dis- 
tress, thro' fear of the Town being destroyed by the Sol- 
diers, a party of New York Carpenters with axes going 
thro' the town breaking open houses, &c. Soldiers and 
sailors plundering of houses, shops, warehouses — Sugar 
and salt &c. thrown into the River, which was greatly 
covered with hogsheads, barrels of flour, house furniture, 
carts trucks &c. &c. — One Person suffered four thousand 
pounds sterling, by his shipping being cut to pieces &c. — 
Another five thousand pounds sterling, in salt wantonly 
thrown into the River. 

14 th March. Thursday. The same as above except 
somewhat restrained by the General. 

15 th Friday. The General sent to the Selectmen and 
desired their immediate attendance, which we did accord- 
ingly. It was to acquaint us that as he was about retreat- 
ing from the Town, his advice was for all the Inhabitants 
to keep in their houses and tho' his orders were to injure no 
person, he could not be answerable for any irregularities of 
his troops. That the Fowey man of war would continue in 
the harbour till the fleet sailed, loaded with carcases and 



NcwelPs Journal. 275 

combustibles, that in case the King's troops met with any 
obstruction in their retreat he should set fire to the Town, 
which he wished to avoid — That he thought it his duty to 
destroy much of the property in the town to prevent it 
being useful to the support of the tlebel army. The Gen- 
eral further said to us, that who ever had suffered in this 
respect (who were not Rebels) it was probable upon appli- 
cation to Goverment, they would be considered — That 
Letters had passed between him and M r Washington. 
That he had wrote to him in the style of M r Washington. 
That however insignificant the character of his Excellency, 
which to him was very trifling — it ought not to be given to 
any but by the authority of the King. He observed the 
direction of our Letters to him was — To his excellency 
General Washington, which he did not approve and what- 
ever Intelligence had been given to the Rebels, tho' in his 
letters to him, he did not charge him with being a Rebel. 
He further said he had nothing against the Select-men, 
w r hich if he had he should certainly have taken notice of 
it — The General told us the Troops would embark this 
day and was told by General Robertson it would be by 
three oclock. The Regiments all mustered, some of them 
marched down the wharf. Guards and Chevaux De Freze, 
were placed in the main streets and wharves in order to 
secure the retreat of Out Centinels. Several of the principle 
streets through which they were to pass were filled with 
Hhd 3 filled with Horse-dung, large limbs of trees from the 
Mall to prevent a pursuit of the Continental Army. They 
manifestly appeared to be fearful of an attack. The wind 
proved unfavorable, prevented their embarking. They re- 
turned to their quarters. Soon after several houses were 
on fire. The night passed tolerably quiet. 

16 th Saturday. Rain. Great distress plundering &c. 

17 th Lord's day. This morning at 3 o'clock, the troops 
began to move — Guards Chevaux de freze, Crow feet 
strewed in the streets to prevent being pursued. They all 
embarked at about 9 oclock and the whole fleet came to 
sail. Every vessel which they did not carry off, they ren- 
dered unfit for use. Not even a boat left to cross the 
River. — Thus was this unhappy distressed tow 7 n (thro' a 
manifest interposition of divine providence) relieved from 



276 NewelPs Journal. 

a set of men, whose unparralled wickedness, profanity, de- 
bauchery and cruelty is inexpressible, enduring a siege from 
the 19 th April 1775 to the 17 th March 1776. Immediately 
upon the fleet's sailing the Select Men set off, through the 
lines, to Roxbury to acquaint General Washington of the 
evacuation of the town. After sending a message Major 
Ward aid to General Ward, came to us at the lines and 
soon after the General himself, who received us in the most 
polite and affectionate manner, and permitted us to pass to 
Watertown to acquaint the Council of this happy event. 
The General immediately ordered a detachment of 2000 
troops to take possession of the town under the command 
of General Putnam who the next day began their works 
in fortifying Forthill &c, for the better security of the 
Town. A number of loaded Shells with trains of Powder 
covered with straw, were found in houses left bv the 
Regulars near the fortify cation. 



Note. — The foregoing is a true copy, word for word, as taken from 
a manuscript book which belonged to Dr. Belknap, historian of New 
Hampshire. 



[Part of the preceding/Journal has been recently published in the 
very interesting: History of the Brattle Street Church, by its present 
Pastor. Some trifling discrepancies may be detected between the ex- 
tracts and the copy we have used ; but as it was thought best to publish 
the Journal according to this copy, with only such little variety of punc- 
tuation here and there as might render it readable, it appears as above, 
with not a few irregularities. — Eds.] 






MEMOIR OF JOHN PIERCE, D.D. 

Communicated by CHARLES LOWELL, D. D. 



Two extended notices of the late Dr. Pierce appeared in print soon 
after his decease ; one of them by a near relative and friend,* who, 
from being admitted to the closest intimacy in domestic life, had the full- 
est and best opportunity of knowing his character ; the other by a 
brother in the ministry,! a near neighbor, eminently qualified to do him 
justice. So full, so just and discriminating, were these notices, that little 
or nothing else seemed to remain for him who had been appointed to 
prepare a Memoir for the Collections, than to mould into another form 
the materials so abundantly supplied. Happily, however, he has been 
enabled to furnish an original article, in a beautiful tribute of filial piety 
from the youngest daughter of our lamented associate. It was freely 
given, but not without expressions of self-distrust, which, however honor- 
able, will be deemed by every reader as entirely superfluous. 

Another member of the family, £ whose writings, have acquired for 
him an honorable fame, has also kindly furnished a sketch of some of 
the prominent features in the character of his father-in-law. 

It is most grateful to the writer of these lines to be allowed even to 
perform the humble office of Editor, in commemoration of one whose 
friendship he enjoyed for nearly half a centrury,-and whose memory he 
cherishes with fond and reverential affection. " q L 



My dear Sir : — 

In preparing, according to your request, a notice of my 
father's life, I shall endeavor to delineate him rather as a 
pastor and a father, than as a public man. I feel that his 
published remains do not bear an adequate impression of 
his strong, loving heart. It was his genial social nature, 
his remarkable memory, his fondness for antiquarian lore, 
his devotion to the interests of Harvard College, his labors 



* Rey. Thomas B. Fox. t George Putnam, D. D. t Rev. Frederic H. Hedge. 

4th s. — vol. i. 35 



278 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

in the cause of temperance, his singular purity of heart 
and life, and his unaffected piety towards God, that distin- 
guished him, rather than deep research as a scholar, or fer- 
vid eloquence as a speaker. It was his true, hearty soul, 
that shed around him a sphere of goodness which made 
him loved and honored while he lived, and lamented when 
he died, as few men are loved or lamented. 

My father, John Pierce, was born in Dorchester, Mass., 
14th July, 1773. He was descended through both parents 
from Puritan ancestors, who came over from Dorchester, 
England, at an early period, and were among the first set- 
tlers of the town of Dorchester, Mass., so that most of the 
old families of that place were in some way connected with 
him. 

Perhaps a few words about his parents will help to 
show from what sources, with the blessing of God, some of 
the best affections of his nature, as well as its solid princi- 
ples, sprung. 

His mother was a gentle, loving being, whose influence 
over him was strengthened by her early death, after which 
she was to him a guardian angel, and her memory was 
ever present to shield from temptation, and to win him to 
w r alk in the paths of virtue and peace. His desire to grow 
up to be a minister might in part have arisen from her 
fondness for talking to him about his uncle Blake, a young 
minister of considerable promise who died soon after his 
settlement in the ;raipistry, and whose memory she taught 
him to reverence. She was a religious woman, and my 
father has often been heard to say, " I believe, if ever there 
was a Christian, my mother was one." Our idea of her, 
formed from conversations with our father and his sisters, 
is of a quiet, gentle woman, with an intense fondness for 
her children, which led her to be exceedingly indulgent. 

A strong sympathy seems to have existed between this 
mother and son. He was her first-born, and so youthful 

appearance was she, as to be mistaken for his sister by 
strangers. She died, suddenly, when he was at home 
during a college vacation, at the age of seventeen, and 
from that event he dates his determination to devote his 
life and energies to the service of Christ. 

His father, a hard-working, simple-hearted, truth-loving 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 279 

man, also did much to form the character of his son. 
From him he learned the frugality, temperance, and hon- 
esty for which he was always distinguished. This good 
old man had a fixed rule never to allow a debt of a cent 
to go unpaid over the Sabbath, and on one occasion he 
rode around Boston till a late hour on Saturday night, to 
find a man to whom he owed a trifling sum. This exam- 
ple, to keep out of debt, was strictly followed by the son ; 
and the consequent freedom from carking cares may have 
had more to do with his long and happy life, than one who 
has had no experience of the happy results of this system 
would believe. 

His love for this excellent parent grew with his growth, 
and strengthened with his strength. He never omitted 
visiting him monthly, usually taking with him his wife, and 
one or more of his children, and, as the beloved father 
grew in years, and his head was whitened by the snows of 
ninety winters, it was a beautiful picture to see the father 
and son together, so perfect was the tie of love and sym- 
pathy that bound them to each other. A large portion of 
these interviews was spent in the practice of sacred music, 
of which both were exceedingly fond ; generally standing, 
for my grandfather was wont to say, "I cannot sing the 
praises of my Maker sitting down." His" rich; mellow notes 
led the strain, while my father, whose voice was more re- 
markable for strength and accuracy than sweetness of tone, 
took the bass, and such singers as ■happened to be present 
joined in the chorus. He enjoyed these visits from his 
dearly loved child, and I shall not soon forgot the calm 
happiness of that expectant face, as we drove into the yard 
on such occasions, — a look that seemed to say, " Am I 
not blessed to have so good a son ? " How could the son 
of such parents be otherwise ? * 

The religious element in his nature seems to have de- 
veloped itself at an early age, and we were told by his 
sisters that he was fond, when very young, of " playing 
meeting." Standing in a chair, with his earnest face look- 
ing over the back, and his young brothers and sisters ranged 

* The father died Dec. 11, 1833, aged 91 years, 2 months, and 8 days.— Mr. 
Fox's Memoir. 



280 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

before him on stools, for an audience, he would go through 
with a mimic service, and sing, pray, and preach, for hours. 
So hasty was his temper, however, that he was roused to 
a violent passion by any appearance of weariness or fun in 
his congregation, and, descending from his imaginary pul- 
pit, would punish the little offender with a blow, and then 
return to his preaching. This excitable temperament was 
in after life brought under remarkable control, and this 
dominant will, to which his playmates yielded implicitly, 
was in later years exerted to bring every impulse and 
passion of his own nature under the guidance of strict re- 
ligious principle. Few were aware of the effort it cost him 
to render the " soft answer " that " turneth away wrath," 
or realized the severe self-discipline he practised in order 
to study always " the things that make for peace." Malice 
and revenge were ever contrary to his nature, but he was 
hasty, and to him belongs the glory of having ruled his 
own spirit. His memory was so strong that he could name 
every schoolfellow of his early days, even to those who 
learned with him their A B C's of the venerable dame who 
had, years before, gone over the same ground with his 
mother. He loved to keep up a knowledge of their his- 
tory ; and, as one after another passed away from earth, 
he learned a lesson on the instability of human life, — the 
certainty of death. 

His boyhood was singularly pure. He never used a pro- 
fane expression in his life, and I do not believe he was ever 
guilty of a deliberate falsehood. 

The favorite playfellow of his childhood, the constant 
associate of his youth, his dearest college companion and 
life-long friend, was his cousin, James Blake Howe, a pure 
and true soul, who became, like him, a minister of the 
Gospel, and passed a long life in duty and usefulness. 
Doubtless this friendship was sometimes the means of keep- 
ing him from company that might have been an injury to 
him, which his social nature might have led him to seek, 
had it not found full satisfaction in the society of this con- 
genial companion. 

Though fitted for college in a common school, he took 
a high rank as a scholar, and was second only to Judge 
Charles Jackson, who has since held a distinguished posi- 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 281 

tion in the legal profession.* He was graduated in 1793, 
when the second English oration was assigned to him. 
The College government proved their confidence in his 
learning and abilities by electing him to the office of Tutor. 
Among those whom he instructed were Dr. Channing and 
Judge Story. He studied for the ministry with the Rev. 
Dr. Harris,*]- who was then pastor of the church his father 
attended. In 1797 he received a unanimous call from the 
church in Brookline, Mass., to settle as minister over the 
town ; for in those days there was but one fold and one 
shepherd in fhe place, and this happy state of things con- 
tinued for a period of thirty-one years, when a Baptist 
society was formed. He was ordained March 15th, 1797.J 

In the earlier days of his ministry, before the introduc- 
tion of Sunday schools into this country, being deeply im- 
pressed with the importance of the religious culture of 
youth, it was his custom to assemble all the children of the 
town once a month during eight months of the year, to 
attend what was in those times called " a catechizing." 
The meeting w T as opened with prayer, and then all gath- 
ered around him to repeat the catechism, and such pas- 
sages of Scripture and hymns as they had learned. Then 
he addressed them familiarly and impressively upon spirit- 
ual things, and many men and women, who have since 
been active in their Master's service, have dated their 
first religious impressions from these occasions. On the 
last catechizing before Thanksgiving, it was his custom to 
present each child with a little book, as a token of his in- 
terest in their welfare. 

Children instinctively felt his love for them, and wher- 



* In a letter to the editor, Judge Jackson says : " My acquaintance with him 
[Dr. Pierce] began in the year 1789, when we entered College together, and it soon 
ripened into a friendship that continued uninterrupted till the end of his long, 
peaceful, and happy life. He was distinguished in College, as he was through his 
whole after life, for persevering industry, a conscientious and punctual discharge of 
duty, and a warm and open heart. Such a course was not likely to bring out any 
striking occurrences or traits of character, and I cannot recall to memory any thing 
of that kind that would be useful to you." 

t After leaving College, he was for two years assistant preceptor of Leicester! 
Academy, Mass. — Mr. Fox's Memoir. 

% He was twice married; — 1st, to Abigail Lovel, of Medway, one of his pupils at 
the Academy, who died July 2, 1800, leaving an infant son who survived his mother 
only two years ; 2d, May 6th, 1802, to Lucy Tappan, of Northampton, who is now 
left his widow, after a union of the utmost harmony and affection, extending through 
forty-seven years. — Mr. Fox. 



282 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

ever he went they came around him, to ride on his foot, to 
listen to his stories, of which he had an exhaustless store, 
or to repeat to him their little hymns and verses. There 
are many who grew up under his ministry, and learned to 
love him in their childhood, whose kind attentions during 
his last sickness were most touching and unremitting, and 
often drew tears from his eyes. 

If he could not be called great as a preacher, he was 
faithful as a pastor. His constant effort was to spend and 
be spent for his flock. His parochial visits were frequent 
and systematic, and in cases of sickness or affliction his 
attentions were unwearied. He wept with those who 
wept, and rejoiced with those who rejoiced ; and with a 
true sympathy for the vile and degraded, he always cher- 
ished towards them the most tender pity, abhorring the 
sin, but pitying the sinner. 

One of the most noticeable things about him was his 
habit of order. He had a place for every thing, and a time 
for every thing, which enabled him to accomplish a vast 
amount of writing and reading, while his parochial duties 
were never neglected. The sun never found him in bed, 
and the hours before breakfast were always spent in exer- 
cise in his garden, or in sawing and splitting wood. At 
breakfast he liked to have one of the family read aloud in 
some interesting book: Among others, I recollect the 
Spectator, which he went through in course, a number 
each morning, iie did not like to have the children's 
awkward ways of eating criticized, it disturbed the har- 
mony of the circle ; neither would he allow any fault to 
be found with the simple viands upon the table. If they 
were there, they must be eaten as a matter of course. 
" Man does not live by bread alone." " We must eat to 
live, and not liue to eat." He would not have his children 
epicures. 

After breakfast came prayers. No hurry of business, no 
worldly cares, ever kept him from this duty and privilege. 
Here he "allured to brighter worlds and led the way." 
The family assembled in the " dear old study," each mem- 
ber read a stanza of the inspired word, the hymn of praise 
ascended, and then " the saint, the father, and the husband 
prayed." It seemed as natural for him to do so as if God 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 283 

were a father, the reality of whose existence, the convic- 
tion of whose presence, and the certainty of whose watch- 
ful providence, he had never dreamed of doubting* Were 
any sick, he asked that they might be restored, if it were 
his Father's will ; if not, let that will be done. Were any 
absent, the same guardian Love that watched over his 
home was invoked for them. Were any in affliction, 
" Earth has no sorrow that Heaven cannot cure." Public 
prayers have never moved me like these, never brought 
with them so deep an impression of the Divine presence 
and love. He cast all his care upon God, and felt sure 
that God cared for him. 

The duties of the day, thus well begun, were discharged 
with a systematic punctuality that gave to every hour its 
occupation. He was never idle. No man better observed 
the commandment, " Six days shalt thou labor." A cloudy 
morning never kept him from Boston on Thursday. His 
place at the church where the time-hallowed " Lecture " 
was weekly preached, was never vacant. He officiated in 
his turn one hundred times, and when his brethren occu- 
pied the pulpit, it was his custom to lead the singing in 
the gallery. How early we learned to dread Thursday ! 
A day of stillness and darkened rooms, — a day when all the 
children said, " How we miss father!" Where he was, 
there was always light, for he could not bear closed blinds, 
and descanted, in no measured terms, against the fashion- 
able folly of creating an artificial twilight at midday. 

The afternoons were usually spent in visiting his people. 
He kept an accurate list of these calls, and was careful to 
neglect none. At the tea-table, each child who had been 
out was called upon to relate his or her adventures, and 
at an early age we learned that it was not the way to 
please him to retail scandal, or dwell upon dark shades of 
character. He would never allow censorious judgments of 
the conduct of others, and was never amused by satire, 
however brilliant the wit that gilded it, though no man had 
a keener appreciation of a harmless joke, or an amusing 
story.* 

* The early whiteness of Dr. Pierce's hair sometimes gave rise to amusing mis- 
takes, which he was fond of relating. He was once present at a meeting of minis- 
ters (I believe of the Baptist denomination), at Providence, and was requested to 
offer the concluding prayer in the services at the church. A minister who preceded 



284 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

The evenings ! The long winter evenings ! How happy 
he made them ! How heartily he entertained visitors ! 
How bright a fire he made to welcome them ! It was his 
custom to spend this portion of the day at home, and 
when no company was present he had always an interest- 
ing book to read aloud, while his wife and daughters sat 
around with their work. When he came to any Latin or 
French quotation, to any rare word of foreign derivation, 
or to any classical allusion, he would test the knowl- 
edge of his children by calling upon some one for an 
explanation, teaching them all he knew upon the subject, 
consulting dictionaries where he felt himself at fault, and 
looking upon the map for places mentioned incidentally by 
the author. In such a family school he found his truest 
happiness, and here he was the centre of attraction. 
Home was not home without him. He combined enter- 
tainment with instruction, and thus led his children to love, 
as well as honor him. The deep interest he took in their 
welfare both for time and eternity may well be illustrated 
by a letter written to one of them, a member of his church, 
on the occasion of her leaving home, for a time, to enter a 
boarding-school. 

" Brookline, 10 May, 1836. 
" My dear Daughter : — 

" As you are again about to leave the parental roof, I 
cannot release you from our family circle without a few 
paternal counsels and monitions. 

"I. Be it your first care to 'know the God of your 
fathers, and to serve him with a perfect heart and with a 
willing mind.' ' Love the Lord Jesus in sincerity.' Let 
no day pass without reading and meditating a portion of 
God's holy word, and without twice at least praying to 
i your Father who is in secret, and your Father who seeth 
in secret will reward you openly.' 

" II. Be respectful to your uncle and aunt, and kind to 
every member of the family. Relieve, as far as may be 

. 

him in the devotional exercises prayed earnestly for their aged father (Dr. P. was 
then in middle life) who was to conclude the service, that he might be supported 
under the burden of years, &c. The prolonged accent and strong emphasis with 
which Dr. Pierce repeated the epithet aged gave a peculiar zest to the story. He 
was accustomed to add, " The man was a good deal older than I was." — C. L. 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 285 

consistent with jour other indispensable engagements, the 
cares of jour beloved aunt. She will supply the place of 
your mother ; and you may learn much from her excellent 
instructions and example. 

" III. My desire is, that you should attend statedly her 
place of worship. But on no account offer yourself for 

communion with any church in . Such a step 

would be likely to be attended with greater trials, both to 
yourself and your parents, than can probably arise from 
any other course. 

" IV. In this day of religious wrangling, when even such 
men as the Rev. Albert Barnes of Philadelphia and the 
Rev. Dr. Beecher of Cincinnati are under discipline as 
heretics, there can be no wonder if some with whom you 
may come in contact, in your school and elsewhere, should 
call in question your father's soundness, without knowing 
any thing of him but by hearsay, and should officiously 
labor to convince you that your own profession of religion, 
should they ascertain the fact, is no better than solemn 
mockery. But let them do or say what they will, they 
can exercise no \ dominion over your faith,' unless you 
voluntarily place yourself under their watch and discipline. 
4 Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty wherewith ' you con- 
scientiously apprehend * Christ hath made you free, and 
be not entangled in any yoke of ecclesiastical bondage.' 

" V. Avoid, as the pestilence, religious disputation. ' Be 
swift to hear, slow to speak, slow to wrath.' If any of 
your companions suspect your soundness, because they 
have heard ill reports of that portion of the country from 
which you originate, or from any other cause, ' answer not 
again.' 'Have a good conscience, that whereas they 
speak evil of you, as of evil-doers, they may be ashamed 
that falsely accuse your good conversation in Christ.' 

" VI. I hardly need remind you of the importance of fidel- 
ity in attention to your studies. At your time of life, and 
with the expense which must necessarily be incurred in 
completing your education, it is perhaps more expedient to 
warn you against excessive application, than to stimulate 
you to industry. 

" VII. Be careful of your health. For the preservation 
and enjoyment of this blessing, much, under God, depends 

4th s. — vol. i. 36 



286 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

on early rising, stated exercise, both in the house and in 
the open air, and on habitual cheerfulness. ; A merry 
heart doth good, like a medicine.' This long experience 
and almost uninterrupted health have taught me. It is 
also my firm conviction, that both of your grandfathers were 
much indebted to this for their protracted and vigorous 
old age. 

"Till. Be in the constant practice of committing your 
thoughts to writing. Nothing contributes more effectually 
to intellectual improvement than this habit. ' Nulla dies 
sine linea' is a direction of long standing, and of excellent 
use. Your correspondents will be likely to require as much 
of your time as you can well spare. But whatever friends 
you neglect, write regularly to your parents jointly. Be 
free in the communication of your thoughts. Let nothing 
be withholden which calls for the kind aid of parental 
counsel. 

" IX. Be sure to attend to your manners and to neat- 
ness in your dress and personal appearance. It was said 
to have been a maxim of Whitefield, ' Cleanliness is next 
to godliness.' These last I number among the ' tithes of 
mint, cumin, and anise ' ; but they are not to be neg- 
lected more than ' the weightier matters of the law.' 

" God bless you, my dear daughter! So will ever pray 
your affectionate father, 

" John Pierce." 

He was fond of receiving letters from his children, and, 
when they were absent from the parental roof, he al- 
ways required them to keep a journal of each day's ex- 
perience, and send it to him from time to time. This 
habit of keeping him informed of all that related to us 
became a second nature; so that the first idea suggesting 
itself, when we were introduced to agreeable or distin- 
guished people, or saw any thing in nature or art worthy 
of note, was, " I will write about this to father," thus 
keeping ever before us the idea of his loving interest in 
all that concerned us. And after his translation to a better 
world, the want of this external expression of affection was 
a painful void, that nothing but the consolations of religion 
could fill. One of his daughters said, " I must write to 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 287 

him as I always did; I know, however exalted his happi- 
ness, it will be increased by communion with his children." 
But the grave has no answer. 

If he had any vanity, it was displayed in a harmless 
way. He might have seemed vain of his physical strength, 
and of his children. He loved to boast to weak and dys- 
peptic striplings, unable to walk three miles without fa- 
tigue, of the pedestrian feats he could perform with ease ; 
and he would tell how he could walk seven or more miles, 
preach three times, walk home again, sleep soundly, and 
be up the next morning sawing wood to the music of the 
earliest birds.* But he never failed to attribute this power 
to his three hobbies, exercise, temperance, and cheerful- 
ness ; — and w r ith good reason, for he was a delicate child, 
and a slender youth, and it is probable he would never 
have attained the hale and vigorous old age he was per- 
mitted to enjoy, had he been less attentive to the laws of 
health. 

His love for his children and grandchildren, which 
seemed to strengthen as he grew in years, might have 
appeared to amount to a weakness, but the sin of pride 
was a stranger to his bosom. He had the humblest views 
of his own powers, and often spoke and wrote to this 
effect: " All that my pen has ever produced is stale, flat, 
and unprofitable." As regards pretension to sanctity, he 
was as humble as a little child. Various opinions have 
been held respecting his creed, and opposite parties have 
tried to enlist him under their banners, but no man ever 
lived more opposed to sectarianism than my father. " Love 
to God and love to man" was his creed; "Christ is my 
hope," his confession of faith. He never troubled himself 
with the minute hair-splittings of theological wranglers. 
His love for Christ was the central point of his religion. 
The only person towards whom I ever knew him exercise 
an intolerant spirit was one whom he believed deficient in 
respect for the authority of Him whom he called " Lord 
and Master." He sympathized most with men of liberal 
faith and cheerful views, but was eminently conservative, 

* In his last sickness he remarked, that for nearly forty years he had not known 
what it was to have a physical infirmity worth naming. During his long ministry, 
he was kept from the pulpit only thirteen Sundays. — Mr. Fox's Memoir. 



238 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

afraid of new doctrines, and opposed to controversy upon 
religious topics. He could extend the hand of Christian 
fellowship to all who " love the Lord Jesus Christ in 
sincerity." 

His remarkable memory was undoubtedly in part attrib- 
utable to his habits of order. Facts and dates in his mind 
were so systematically arranged, so associated with each 
other, that it was comparatively easy to remember them ; 
but he soon forgot things which did not interest him, — for 
instance, sums of money and the prices of articles. His 
strong attachment, for Harvard College made it impossible 
for him to forget any fact connected with her history. In 
1847 he writes : " I have attended sixty-two Commence- 
ments at Harvard University, nearly, if not quite, one third 
of its public Commencements ; and there are now living 
but twenty-one graduates of that institution whose Com- 
mencements I have not attended." He had pored over her 
Triennial Catalogue till it was engraven upon the tablets 
of his heart, and he knew the year in which every one of 
her sons, among his extensive acquaintance, graduated, 
and, in most cases, the year in which they were born.* 

His desire for statistical information sometimes led him 
into difficulty, as was the case when he was once on a 
journey through a sister State, and, upon being introduced 
to an elderly clergyman who had just married a young 
wife, he said to him, "Sir, authorities differ with regard to 
your age ; will you be so good as to tell me in what year 
\ you were born ? " The venerable bridegroom answered 
him curtly, and took no more notice of him while he re- 
mained in the place.f This instance, however, was a 
rare one, for the power of his kindly nature was so irre- 
sistible that he made no enemies, and gained friends, wher- 

* " For thirty-three years he was Secretary to the Board of Overseers of Harvard 
College." — Mr. Fox. 

" For several years he was President of the Massachusetts Bible Society, and also 
a faithful officer, or active member, of numerous other associations of a literary or 
philanthropic character." — Id. 

t He was not always treated so cavalierly when he propounded this inquiry. It 
is customary (or has been) at the Commencement dinner for the oldest clergyman 
present to return thanks, and the duty of determining who was entitled to this pre- 
eminence of course devolved on Dr. Pierce. On one occasion he went to Dr. P. of 
S. and said to him, " You are the oldest clergyman present, and must return thanks." 
" No," said Dr. P., " I think that Mr. M. of N. is older than I am ; ask him his age." 
Dr. Pierce accordingly went to Mr. M. and said, " Dr. P. of S. wishes to know how 
old you are." " Tell Dr. P.," replied the old gentleman, " that I am a widower." 
-C. L. l * 






Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 289 

ever he went. He was fond of travelling and seeing new 
places, especially new colleges, and often made short jour- 
neys, which he enjoyed highly, and from which he always 
returned laden with a new stock of statistics. His wish, 
often expressed, to visit the " land of his fathers' sepul- 
chres," remained ungratified, and if there is any thing to 
regret in his long and happy life, it is this. 

He took no active part in some of the great reforms of 
the day, because he was not fully persuaded in his own 
mind of the expediency of the measures of their advocates. 
His habitual caution led him to fear doing " evil that good 
may come." It was a favorite maxim with him, " When 
you know not what to do, never do you know not what." 
That he was not restrained by cowardice may be fully 
seen by his fearless advocacy of the cause of Temperance, 
when some of his kindest friends in his own parish were 
violently opposed to it. He had seen so much of the evil 
of intemperance that he was in this case sure he was right, 
and no fear of man kept him from expressing this opinion. 
In public and in private did he lift up the voice of warning 
and rebuke. He visited a great number of Temperance 
meetings and picnics, and delivered Temperance addresses 
in various places. 

On the 15th of March, 1847, the fiftieth anniversary of 
his settlement in Brookline, the whole town united to cele- 
brate his jubilee. I think this must have been the happiest 
day of his life. His expectations had been very humble ; 
and the attention that was paid to him, the warm feeling 
that was expressed, and the beauty and interest of the fes- 
tival, quite overpowered him. Nothing was left undone 
that could have been devised to gratify his feelings, and do 
him honor. He had spent the. strength of his manhood, 
the energies of his life, for Brookline ; for fifty years he 
had led his flock among green pastures and beside still 
waters ; the connection between pastor and people for so 
long a series of years was equally honorable to both, and 
nothing could exceed the interest of the jubilee that 
crowned it. The loving father, with his silver hair and 
beaming countenance, sat there receiving every new proof 
of love and respect from the children and friends of his 
heart with tears of joy. A neat and appropriate speech 



290 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

accompanied the presentation of an elegant and costly ser- 
vice of plate, the offering of his own parishioners to their 
pastor, and ere he had recovered from the excitement at- 
tending its acceptance, a beautiful child advanced bearing 
a silver vase filled with flowers (a gift from the ladies of 
the Baptist and Harvard societies), and in a clear, sweet 
voice spoke of the blessed hope of a never-ending jubilee 
in a land where are fadeless flowers and immortal joys. 
He was so entirely overcome by these repeated surprises, 
that it was with difficulty he could sufficiently command 
his voice to invoke blessings upon the head of the dear 
child before him, whose hands he clasped in both his own, 
as he repeated, " Of such is the kingdom of heaven." So 
touching was the scene, that there were few dry eyes in 
that crowded assembly. There were persons present who 
had been at similar festivals both in this country and in 
Europe, and they all agreed that they had never seen any 
thing equal to this. The remembrance of it was a joy to 
the venerable pastor as long as he lived, nor will it soon 
pass away from the minds of those who were privileged to 
be present as spectators. 

He soon after resigned the care of his parish to a young 
minister, the chosen of his people, but the very young man 
upon whom he had set his heart, and whom he would have 
selected above all others for his successor. The Rev. 
Frederic N. Knapp was ordained as his colleague on the 
6th of October, 1847, and the affection which subsisted 
between them, resembling that which exists between a 
father and son, continued rather to increase than to dimin- 
ish during the short remainder of his life. 

From the time he surrendered the sole care of his parish 
he failed, yet so gradually that it was imperceptible to those 
who saw him daily, but none the less sure. Many remarked, 
" Dr. Pierce is not so erect as he used to be " ; and others 
noticed that his manner was less emphatic, and his voice 
less clear and distinct than it had been, — all indications 
of decaying strength. He did not seem at all aware of 
these changes, and in consequence often over-exerted him- 
self in attempting to perform his accustomed labors. 

It was in the closing hours of his life that his light shone 
brightest. Entirely unaccustomed to pain, he used to say 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 29 1 

that he had not experienced a physical infirmity for thirty- 
three years, and had never known what it was to have the 
headache. Now was the time to prove whether the cheer- 
ful serenity of his life had been merely the result of a 
healthy organization. He was taken suddenly ill on the 
3d of March, 1849, after a tedious session at the court at 
Dedham, where he had been present as a witness; and it 
is worthy of remark that this was the first time in his life 
he had ever had any thing to do with " the law." The 
disease which caused his death was an internal cancer, 
which had been insidiously undermining his constitution 
for some months, and the unwonted fatigue of the court- 
room was merely the occasion of hastening the fatal work 
which was slowly and surely progressing. In a few days 
the violence of this attack was subdued by medical skill, 
but from that time his decline was dated. Never has it 
been our lot to witness a more beautiful sickness. " While 
the outward man perished, the inward man was renewed 
day by day." With a calm, sweet submission to his Fa- 
ther's will, he was equally ready to die or to live. All his 
worldly affairs were in order, the people of his love were 
under the care of one whom he loved, and it seemed that 
he had nothing to do but to die. He loved life, he loved 
his friends, he loved his family, but in the world beyond 
the grave life awaited him. He said, " I do not feel that 
I shall ever die." He had friends, too, there, the friends 
of his youth, the companions of his riper years, a numer- 
ous host, who had passed before him into the spiritual 
world, and in the same happy home he felt that he should 
soon be reunited to dear ones whom he might leave be- 
hind. He talked of his approaching exodus as if it were 
the simplest thing in the world to die, a mere journey to 
meet a loving Father. 

To the last he continued to feel an interest in the cur- 
rent events of the day, and his thirst for knowledge re- 
mained unabated. Several ladies of his society came daily 
to read to him, and one of the last books he listened to 
was Macaulay's " History of England." Nothing could 
exceed the kindness of his friends. They thronged his 
study, where he sat in his easy chair, pale and weary, but 
strong in faith and hope, enjoying society as well as he 



292 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 

had ever done, and unwilling to have one leave the house 
without a greeting. The old came there to talk of the 
home where they hoped soon to join him, and young chil- 
dren to receive his last blessing. To all he preached a 
silent lesson of resignation and Christian faith. Loving 
friends brought him every luxury that wealth could pur- 
chase ; they covered his study table with the rarest and 
most beautiful flowers, and never had he seemed to prize 
them so highly. He often used to repeat, when looking at 
these exquisite gifts, — 

" If God hath made this world so fair, 
Where sin and death abound, 
How beautiful beyond compare 
Will paradise be found ! " 

Among his visitors were one hundred and twenty clergy- 
men of different denominations. He was willing to receive 
all as brothers who came in the name of Christ. Their 
prayers and words of lofty cheer no doubt helped to bright- 
en the dark valley through which he was passing. No 
attention that affection could suggest was wanting. He 
used to say, f There is one thing I cannot bear, and that 
is the kindness of my friends ; it unmans me." 

As long as his strength would permit, he rode daily ; 
and in short excursions through every lane and by-road of 
his parish and the adjacent towns, he looked calmly upon 
the scenes of his labors, the places which would soon know 
him no more. And what a tale had every house that he 
passed to tell to him! His thoughts seemed busy with 
these old memories, and in this way his whole ministry 
seemed to pass before him in a succession of dream- 
pictures. " In this house," he would say, " I first stood 
beside the bed of death to offer the consolations of religion. 
Here was my first wedding. In this dwelling I have 
witnessed agony revealed alone to me and to God. In 
this, what checkered scenes ! — weddings and funerals, 
smiles and tears. In this, what triumphant faith! In 
this, what dark despair ! " To all had come sorrow ; yet 
the sadness with which he reviewed the whole was gilded 
by a Christian's hope, a Christian's faith. His life-long 
experience had only brought him nearer to God. He had 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 293 

seen a loving Father's face both in the sunshine and the 
shade, — the pillar of fire by night, and the cloud by day. 

There were times when he felt stronger and better than 
usual ; and then he seemed to think he should recover, 
and would speak of willingness to stay, if his Master had 
yet work for him to do ; but as another wave would carry 
him farther than ever from the shore, he relinquished these 
awakening hopes without a struggle, and showed an equal, 
if not greater, readiness " to depart and be with Christ." 
Thus calm and serene were his last moments. He sank 
to sleep like an infant, with loving faces around him, to 
awake in heaven. He died on the 24th of August, 1849, 
as he had lived, in peace with God and all mankind, leav- 
ing to his children the most precious of legacies, the re- 
membrance of a Christian life, — a fixed fact, to which 
the^ can turn when faith is weak, and the world and God's 
providence seem dark. " The path of the just is as a 
shining light, that shineth more and more unto the perfect 
day." 



An extract from a letter of his son-in-law, Mr. Hedge, 
to the editor, will close this notice of our friend. 

" I do not know that I can add any thing important to 
your reminiscences, but I am happy, as one who was 
closely connected with him by family ties, and a frequent 
inmate of his house, to bear my testimony to the rare 
beauty and worth of his private and domestic life. 

" The trait which I recall with the greatest vividness, when 
I revert to my acquaintance with Dr. Pierce, is his uniform 
cheerfulness. Cheerfulness is too feeble a word. I should 
say his joyousness, his beaming and triumphant joyousness. 
I think he was the happiest man I ever knew. I have 
seen him sorely tried, but never knew him angry or sad. 
The prevalent health of his spirit soon triumphed over the 
casual vexations, contradictions, disappointments, and cross 
accidents which beset the path of life. His immovable 

4th s. — vol. i. 37 



294 Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce, 

faith in the Wisdom which brings evil out of good would 
not suffer even the graver afflictions of his house to be more 
than a transient cloud in his sky. His warm and innocent 
heart made all light about him. He walked in brightness, 
and imparted something of his own sunshine to whatso- 
ever came near him. 

" I have often admired his patience with tedious and 
disagreeable people, — with all that class of persons, in 
short, who are vulgarly termed ' bores ' ; with whom it 
was his lot to be visited beyond measure. There were no 
bores for him. He brought something out of every body ; 
or if any were so dull that nothing would come, the effort 
at least brought out himself, and made entertainment for 
both. Cousins of the most remote and evanescent consan- 
guinity, travelling agents, beggars with or without letters 
of introduction, people from the West who had known his 
son, and people from the East who had known his brother, 
and had no other claim on his acquaintance, came to him 
and found welcome. There was always a plate for them 
at his frugal board, and lodging of some kind in his elastic 
economy. Few roofs of equal dimensions could be made 
to cover so many heads. His house was never so full but 
it would hold one more. It stretched to the bigness of his 
capacious hospitality. 

" Had he not been an early riser, it would have been 
impossible for him to accomplish what he did ; so great 
was the demand upon his time from those who sought his 
society. 

" With an inbred reverence for dignitaries, he combined 
a respect for humanity as such, which made him at home 
with the lowest as with the highest, and which suffered no 
one to feel in him any other superiority than that of moral 
worth. 

" Another remarkable trait in Dr. Pierce's character was 
his indifference to money. It was noticed by his friends, 
that, notwithstanding his astonishing memory for facts and 
figures, he could never recollect prices and sums of money. 
This was a class of facts which positively refused to record 
themselves in his mind. He had the misfortune, at an 
advanced age, to lose the savings of a life by the failure of 
a manufacturing company in which he was a shareholder. 



Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Pierce. 295 

The circumstance did not disturb his cheerfulness for an 
instant, and he nevev suffered it to be mentioned as a sub- 
ject for regret in his family. Constitutionally frugal and 
simple in all his tastes, his personal expenses were ex- 
tremely small.* One of the heaviest items in his yearly 
account was his postage bill ; his extensive correspondence 
subjecting him to a disproportionate expense in that kind. 
He was constantly receiving applications from people who 
wished genealogical information respecting their own house, 
and who looked to him as to a living herald's office in 
such matters. The letters of these applicants were often 
charged to him, while his own were mostly prepaid. 

" He seemed to regard money as something to be spent 
on others, and by no means on himself. And if ever, in 
his use of it, he transgressed the bounds of prudence, it 
was in his charities." 

* u Dr. Pierce was an economist. He brought up a large family, and laid up a 
portion every year of an income never large, and at the commencement of his min- 
istry amounting only to $ 400 and sixteen cords of wood per annum ; though it must 
not be forgotten that his people from time to time increased, until they more than 
doubled, his stipend, and also showed their regards to their pastor by generous 
gifts." — Mr. Fox's Memoir. 



END OF VOL. I. S. IV. 



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